Working Verse in Victorian Scotland

Author(s):  
Kirstie Blair

This monograph reassesses working-class poetry and poetics in Victorian Britain, using Scotland as a focus and with particular attention to the role of the popular press in fostering and disseminating working-class verse cultures. It studies a very wide variety of writers who are unknown to scholarship, and assesses the political, social and cultural work which their poetry performed. During the Victorian period, Scotland underwent unprecedented changes in terms of industrialization, the rise of the city, migration and emigration. This study shows how poets who defined themselves as part of a specifically Scottish tradition responded to these changes. It substantially revises our understanding of Scottish literature in this period, while contributing to wider investigations of the role of popular verse in national and international cultures.

Author(s):  
E.A. Jalmagambetov ◽  
◽  
E.Zh. Aziretbergenova ◽  

The Kyzylorda period in the development of the education system of Kazakhstan occupies a special place. The center's move to the city of Kyzylorda gave a new impetus to the political and public life of the region. Young people seeking education started coming to the city of Kyzylorda from other regions. After assigning the status of the capital in the city of Kyzylorda began to open up new educational institutions. The Kazakh Institute of education and medical schools moved from Orenburg. The city has opened educational schools of the first and second categories. Special boarding schools were opened for people living in remote areas. The work of boarding schools was constantly monitored by special commissions. In 1925, the famous writer Gabiden Mustafin worked and studied in the city of Kyzylorda. Also, S. Mukanov, A. Kenzhin and other representatives of the Kazakh intelligentsia worked in the education system.


Author(s):  
Claudio Sopranzetti

This chapter takes a step back from Thailand and asks what the political experience of the motorcycle taxi drivers can offer to philosophy of praxis today. In particular, it focuses on three issues that the drivers’ life trajectories, their everyday life in the city, and their adoption of mobility, a characteristic and strength of post-Fordism capitalism, as a tool of political mobilization and a field of struggle raise. First, they invite us to a methodological reflection on the role of contradiction in political praxis; second, they urge us to reconsider where accumulation and the production of value is located in post-Fordist capitalism; and third, they call on us to use this analysis to locate points of least resistance and weak spots on which political pressure can be most effectively applied.


2019 ◽  
pp. 172-202
Author(s):  
Nick Mansfield

This chapter reviews the political sympathies of soldiers – both officers and rank and file - in the age of high Victorian imperialism and emerging British democracy. It examines the role of the army in growing working class support for popular imperialism, often fuelled by racism. Whilst it acknowledges the overall tendency for officers to support Conservatism, it uncovers tenacious support for Liberalism on the part of some of the officer corps. This extended to many of the rank and file in the post-Chartist period, with post discharge soldiers actively supporting all types of reform movements and taking an active part in the mass democracy brought about by the 1867 and 1884 Reform Acts. With the development of socialism from the 1880s this even extended to a significant number of ‘soldier socialists’, surveyed here for the first time.


Author(s):  
Samantha Caslin

This chapter examines the development of some of Liverpool’s most significant moral welfare organisations between the late-Victorian period and the end of the First World War. It unpacks the early historical trajectories of the House of Help, the Liverpool Vigilance Association, the Liverpool Catholic Women’s League and the Liverpool Women Police Patrols, and it argues that these organisations continued to view women’s relationship to the city through the lens of Victorian gender ideals. Moreover, the chapter examines how the pioneering and well-intended efforts of these organisations to craft a ‘respectable’ form of public womanhood during the first two decades of the twentieth century were still steeped in presumptions about the immorality of the working class, and working-class women in particular.


2020 ◽  
Vol 25 ◽  
pp. 51-65
Author(s):  
Paul R. DeHart ◽  

In Pagans & Christians in the City, Steven D. Smith argues that in contrast to ancient Rome, ancient Christianity, following Judaism, located the sacred outside the world, desacralizing the cosmos and everything in it—including the political order. It thereby introduced a political dualism and potentially contending allegiances. Although Smith’s argument is right so far as it goes, it underplays the role of Christianity’s immanent dimension in subverting the Roman empire and the sacral pattern of antiquity. This division of authority not only undermined the Roman empire and antique sacral political order more generally—it also subverts the modern state, which, in the work of Hobbes and Rousseau, sought to remarry what Western Christianity divorced.


2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 4-24
Author(s):  
Leonardo Capezzone

Abstract The history of Khaldunian readings in the twentieth century reveals an analytical capacity of non-Orientalists definitely greater than that demonstrated by the Orientalists. The latter, at least until the 1950s, prove to be prisoners of that syndrome denounced by Edward Said’s Orientalism (1978), which projected on Islamic historical development a specificity and an alterity, which make it an exception in world history. Orientalist scholarship has often wanted to see in Ibn Khaldūn’s critical attitude to the philosophy of al-Fārābī and Averroes only the confirmation of the primacy of the sharīʿa over Platonic nomos. This article seeks to highlight some aspects of Ibn Khaldūn’s critique of classical political thought of Islamic philosophy. His critique focuses on the importance given to the juridical dimension of social becoming, and to the role of the political body of the jurists in the making of the City. Those aspects witness Ibn Khaldūn’s effort to interpret change and fractures as factors which make sense of history and decadence.


2016 ◽  
Vol 227 ◽  
pp. 653-673 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alessandro Russo

AbstractA number of prolonged political experiments in Chinese factories during the Cultural Revolution proved that, despite any alleged “historical” connection between the Communist Party and the “working class,” the role of the workers, lacking a deep political reinvention, was framed by a regime of subordination that was ultimately not dissimilar from that under capitalist command. This paper argues that one key point of Deng Xiaoping's reforms derived from taking these experimental results into account accurately but redirecting them towards the opposite aim, an even more stringent disciplining of wage labour. The outcome so far is a governmental discourse which plays an important role in upholding the term “working class” among the emblems of power, while at the same time nailing the workers to an unconditional obedience. The paper discusses the assumption that, while this stratagem is one factor behind the stabilization of the Chinese Communist Party, it has nonetheless affected the decline of the party systems inherited from the 20th century.


Author(s):  
Nur Ainiyah

This study aims to show how the role of women's political communication in the city of santri (a student in Islamic boarding school) in facing political power that is dominated by men in Situbondo. It becomes a development in women's political communication in a practical and scientific manner. The reality of the political climate in Situbondo is inseparable from the influence of the kyai as religious and cultural figures, so each of his political perceptions and views certainly has its own perspective and far from gender justice. Consequently, this affects the political space for female santri in Situbondo. In this research, building theoretical interconnections from building theoretical frameworks used such as political communication, gender analysis and phenomenology, related to the focus of research. With a qualitative-explorative research approach, several steps in the procedure of collecting observational data, interviews and documentation are applied consistently and continuously. The results of the research are firstly Santri woman has a political outlook with the benefit of minimizing conflict; secondly cultural barriers as a medium of political communication are effectively overcome by female santri. Besides, female santri tend to override political choices by preferring the political choices of the figures they envision for benefit purposes.


2019 ◽  
Vol 54 (1) ◽  
pp. 27-50
Author(s):  
Sarbani Sharma

While much has been said about the historicity of the Kashmir conflict or about how individuals and communities have resisted occupation and demanded the right to self-determination, much less has been said about nature of everyday life under these conditions. This article offers a glimpse of life in the working-class neighbourhood of Maisuma, located in the central area of the city of Srinagar, and its engagement with the political movement for azadi (freedom). I argue that the predicament of ‘double interminability’ characterises life in Maisuma—the interminable violence by the state on the one hand and simultaneously the constant call of labouring for azadi by the movement on the other, since the terms of peace are unacceptable.


Author(s):  
Louise A. Jackson ◽  
Neil Davidson ◽  
Linda Fleming ◽  
David M. Smale ◽  
Richard Sparks

This chapter focuses specifically on the role of the Glasgow ‘beat man’ as well as the group identity and reputation that was forged in the city for ‘robust and ‘tough’ policing, grounded in male physical prowess (as embodied masculinity). It was constructed through the culture of the muster hall, inscribed into everyday life through the performance of policing on the beat, and was recognised by working-class communities (through resistance as much as acquiescence or deference). For those seen as ‘law-abiding’, the work of the police officer incorporated assistance, support and a significant social service role, with chivalric paternalism in evidence in relation to the aged and infirm. A different repertoire was deployed in relation to those viewed as anti-social, where ‘toughness’ spilled over into the routine use of physical force in the first half of the century, justified by the police themselves as necessary to maintain authority. The legal tool of ‘breach of the peace’ was a flexible device across the period to counteract the limitations assumed to arise from the rule of corroboration.


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