Economic Growth with Social Justice

2018 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Social Justice ◽  
National Policy ◽  
Development Theory ◽  
The Political ◽  
Nuclear Disarmament ◽  
Policy And Practice ◽  
Political Reality ◽  
Policy Debates ◽  
Development Policies ◽  
The 1960S

The book traces the evolution of Mahbub ul Haq’s thinking on development, and highlights its impact on global, regional and national policy debates, and relevance to today’s headline events. It situates the origins and significance (both in affecting academic and policy debates) of Haq’s development philosophy focusing on social justice. The introduction to the volume explains Haq’s reasons for moving away from growth-only philosophy to growth with distribution. The four parts of the book show Haq’s contributions to the larger development debate from the 1960s to the 1990s, including on issues ranging from global governance, sustainable development, trade and debt, to food security, gender equality, and nuclear disarmament. Each part is introduced to place Haq’s work in the context of that period, explain its significance in shaping development theory, policy, and practice, and highlight its ongoing influence and relevance to today’s issues and debates. The book analyses Mahbub ul Haq learning lessons from his close encounter with the political reality of the day that made him evaluate some of his own assumptions and to refine his tools to achieve his ultimate goal—to make people the centre of all development policies, programmes and actions.

scholarly journals The Nature and Practices of Social Justice in the View of Sayyid Qutb

2009 ◽  
Author(s):  
ASYRAF HJ. AB. RAHMAN
Keyword(s):  
Social Justice ◽  
Political System ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Journal Articles ◽  
Existing Problems ◽  
Human Situation ◽  
Sayyid Qutb ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
Alternative Solutions

This paper discusses the nature of social justice as enunciated by Sayyid Qutb, an Egyptian prominent scholar in the 1960s. Failure of the political system, economic disparity, coupled with the British interference in many aspects of Egyptian socio-political life led to the so called ‘Egyptian disillusionment’ with the existing problems facing their country. Qutb’s notion of social justice is all embracing; spiritual and material life, and is not merely limited to economic justice. Together with other Egyptian intellectuals like Najib Mahfuz, Muhammad al-Ghazali, and Imad al-Din Abd al-Hamid, Sayyid Qutb managed to propose some alternative solutions in the form of writings including that of books and journal articles. Some major issues discussed in Sayyid Qutb’s works:’al-Adalah al-Ijtimaiiyah fil Islam, Ma’rakat al-Islam wal Ra’samaliyyah and his article al-Fikr al-Jadid, will then be analyzed as to see their importance in articulating some social solutions in a practical and realistic manner, in true accord both with the spirit of Islam and the contemporary human situation.  

US Women’s Groups in National Policy Debates, 1880–2000

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kristin A. Goss
Keyword(s):  
National Policy ◽  
Women's Organizations ◽  
Women's Groups ◽  
Group Rights ◽  
Congressional Hearings ◽  
Policy Debates ◽  
Women’S Groups ◽  
1960S And 1970S ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
Women’S Organizations

This chapter considers appearances by women’s organizations at US congressional hearings from 1920 to 2000. By three measures—the number of times women’s groups testified, the number of women’s organizations that appeared, and the breadth of issues to which the groups spoke—these groups’ policy engagement expanded in the four decades after suffrage. Women’s engagement then declined after the second-wave women’s movement of the 1960s and 1970s. The chapter evaluates promising yet ultimately unsatisfying explanations for this inverted-U pattern and then lays out an account centered on public policy’s role. Specifically, federal gender policies provided resources that helped structure and direct the representation of women’s interests. For the first two-thirds of the twentieth century, interests surrounded women’s group rights and civic responsibility; for the last third of the century, the focus was on group rights almost exclusively. This evolution influenced women’s collective voice in American democracy and the range of issues on which women were heard.

From Sociological Interpretation to Political Science

2017 ◽  
Vol 45 (2) ◽  
pp. 51-61
Author(s):  
Fernando Barrientos Del Monte
Keyword(s):  
Political Science ◽  
Latin American ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Sciences ◽  
Development Policies ◽  
Siglo Xix ◽  
America Latina ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
American Political Science ◽  
Sociological Interpretation

From the end of the nineteenth century until well into the 1980s, one spoke of the “political sciences” (in the plural), a concept that included all the disciplines that analyzed political phenomena. “Sociological interpretation” began in the 1960s as a model of social science meant to provide both criticism and direction regarding development policies. Rodolfo Stavenhagen’s 1965 “Seven Erroneous Theses about Latin America” is an example of the role played by the political sciences at the time. Given the development of contemporary political science, which seeks dependent and independent variables and mid-range theories and bases its claims on empirical information, the question arises what Latin American political science can (re) learn from the interpretive model employed 50 years ago. Desde finales del siglo XIX y todavía en los años ochenta del siglo XX se hablaba de “ciencias políticas” (en plural), concepto en el cual se incluían todas aquellas disciplinas que analizaban los fenómenos políticos. La “interpretación sociológica” se erigió en la década de los años sesenta como un modelo de ciencia social que formulaba críticas pero también orientaba políticas de desarrollo. “Siete tesis equivocadas sobre América Latina” (1965) de Rodolfo Stavenhagen es un ejemplo del ejercicio de las ciencias políticas de la época. A la luz del desarrollo de la ciencia política contemporánea, que busca variables dependientes e independientes y teorías de alcance medio y funda sus afirmaciones a partir de información empírica, se trata de responder a la pregunta qué puede (re)aprender la ciencia política latinoamericana del modelo interpretativo de hace cincuenta años.

The therapisation of social justice as an emotional regime: implications for critical education

2016 ◽  
Vol 1 (4) ◽  
pp. 286-301 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michalinos Zembylas
Keyword(s):  
Social Justice ◽  
Social Life ◽  
Design Methodology ◽  
Social Problems ◽  
The Political ◽  
Critical Education ◽  
Policy And Practice ◽  
Emotional Life ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Wide Range

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to sketch out what one can see as the emerging “therapeutic turn” in a wide range of areas of contemporary social life including education, especially in relation to understandings of vulnerability and social justice, and then poses the question of what emotional regime has accompanied the emergence of this “therapization” movement, making emotional life in schools the “object-target” for specific technologies of power. Design/methodology/approach The psychologization of social problems has been very much in evidence in the development of educational policies and practices – an approach which not only pathologizes social problems as individual psychological deficiencies or traits, but also obscures the recognition of serious structural inequalities and ideological commitments that perpetuate social injustices through educational policy and practice. In the present paper, the author adopts a different perspective, that of the history, sociology and politics of emotions and affects to show how and why the therapization of social justice is part of the conditions for the birth of particular forms of biopower in schools. Findings There is an urgent need to expose how psychologized approaches that present social justice as an individualizing responsibility are essentially depoliticizing vulnerability by silencing the shared complicities. It is argued, then, that it is crucial to pay attention to the political and structural dimensions of vulnerability. Originality/value Attending to the emotional regime of therapization of social justice has important implications to counter forms of biopower that work through processes of normalization.

The Political Contexts of National Policy Debates

2019 ◽  
pp. 43-70
Author(s):  
Hanspeter Kriesi ◽  
Flavia Fossati ◽  
Laurent Bernhard
Keyword(s):  
National Policy ◽  
The Political ◽  
Policy Debates

The Fragmentation of the Palestinian Political Field

2018 ◽  
Vol 11 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 189-216
Author(s):  
Jamil Hilal
Keyword(s):  
Women Workers ◽  
Political Leadership ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Field ◽  
Cultural Field ◽  
National Representation ◽  
1960S And 1970S ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
Palestinian National Movement ◽  
The Relationship

The mid-1960s saw the beginnings of the construction of a Palestinian political field after it collapsed in 1948, when, with the British government’s support of the Zionist movement, which succeeded in establishing the state of Israel, the Palestinian national movement was crushed. This article focuses mainly on the Palestinian political field as it developed in the 1960s and 1970s, the beginnings of its fragmentation in the 1990s, and its almost complete collapse in the first decade of this century. It was developed on a structure characterized by the dominance of a center where the political leadership functioned. The center, however, was established outside historic Palestine. This paper examines the components and dynamics of the relationship between the center and the peripheries, and the causes of the decline of this center and its eventual disappearance, leaving the constituents of the Palestinian people under local political leadership following the collapse of the national representation institutions, that is, the political, organizational, military, cultural institutions and sectorial organizations (women, workers, students, etc.) that made up the PLO and its frameworks. The paper suggests that the decline of the political field as a national field does not mean the disintegration of the cultural field. There are, in fact, indications that the cultural field has a new vitality that deserves much more attention than it is currently assigned.

Arte ConTexto

2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 29-52
Author(s):  
Antonio Bellisario ◽  
Leslie Prock
Keyword(s):  
Public Space ◽  
Political Violence ◽  
Pictorial Representation ◽  
The Political ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Political Dimension ◽  
Political Views ◽  
Socialist Government ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
The Military

The article examines Chilean muralism, looking at its role in articulating political struggles in urban public space through a visual political culture perspective that emphasizes its sociological and ideological context. The analysis characterizes the main themes and functions of left-wing brigade muralism and outlines four subpolitical phases: (i) Chilean mural painting’s beginnings in 1940–1950, especially following the influence of Mexican muralism, (ii) the development of brigade muralism for political persuasion under the context of revolutionary sociopolitical upheaval during the 1960s and in the socialist government of Allende from 1970 to 1973, (iii) the characteristics of muralism during the Pinochet dictatorship in the 1980s as a form of popular protest, and (iv) muralism to express broader social discontent during the return to democracy in the 1990s. How did the progressive popular culture movement represent, through murals, the political hopes during Allende’s government and then the political violence suffered under the military dictatorship? Several online repositories of photographs of left-wing brigade murals provide data for the analysis, which suggests that brigade muralism used murals mostly for political expression and for popular education. Visual art’s inherent political dimension is enmeshed in a field of power constituted by hegemony and confrontation. The muralist brigades executed murals to express their political views and offer them to all spectators because the street wall was within everyone's reach. These murals also suggested ideas that went beyond pictorial representation; thus, muralism was a process of education that invited the audience to decipher its polysemic elements.

Having Their Say, Leaving Their Mark

2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 141-153
Author(s):  
Adolphus G. Belk ◽  
Robert C. Smith ◽  
Sherri L. Wallace
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Civic Engagement ◽  
Political Science ◽  
Black People ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Political ◽  
Historical Documents ◽  
Adverse Conditions ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
Independent Organization

In general, the founders of the National Conference of Black Political Scientists were “movement people.” Powerful agents of socialization such as the uprisings of the 1960s molded them into scholars with tremendous resolve to tackle systemic inequalities in the political science discipline. In forming NCOBPS as an independent organization, many sought to develop a Black perspective in political science to push the boundaries of knowledge and to use that scholarship to ameliorate the adverse conditions confronting Black people in the United States and around the globe. This paper utilizes historical documents, speeches, interviews, and other scholarly works to detail the lasting contributions of the founders and Black political scientists to the discipline, paying particular attention to their scholarship, teaching, mentoring, and civic engagement. It finds that while political science is much improved as a result of their efforts, there is still work to do if their goals are to be achieved.

NCOBPS Fifty Years

2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 132-135
Author(s):  
William J. Daniels
Keyword(s):  
Predominantly White ◽  
Black Student ◽  
Personal Narrative ◽  
Fundamental Rights ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Protest ◽  
Predominantly White Institution ◽  
Significant Events ◽  
White Institution ◽  
The 1960S

This personal narrative recounts the experiences of an NCOBPS founder, who discusses significant events in his life from student to faculty that motivated his professional journey, including his participation in the founding of NCOBPS. It reflects on what it meant to be a black student, and later, a black faculty member teaching at a predominantly white institution in the political science discipline in the 1960s. It also provides a glimpse into how the freedom movements shaped his fight for fundamental rights as a citizen. Finally, it gives credence to the importance of independent black organizations as agents for political protest and vehicles for economic and social justice.

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