Friendships of 'Largeness and Freedom'

Friendships of ‘Largeness and Freedom’ presents the story of three remarkable individuals—Rabindranath Tagore, Mahatma Gandhi, and the Anglican missionary Charles Freer Andrews. Brought together for the first time, the letters in this volume not only bear witness to their friendship but also reveal the universal principles they adopted to pursue freedom from colonial rule. Together, the three friends have given us an alternative legacy—the legacy of a nationalism that worked with complete restraint, that cried halt to the freedom movement whenever it turned violent, and that proclaimed the way forward to be in self-suffering and not in hatred of the enemy. They firmly believed that there must be no separation between the spiritual and the political, even in a political struggle. As Tagore wrote: ‘I know such spiritual faith may not lead us to political success, but I say to myself, as India has ever said: Tatah kim? Even then, what?’ Offering a glimpse into the recesses of their minds, their letters help us see what their lives were like beyond the myths and legends that often surround such iconic individuals.

2017 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Eko Wahyono ◽  
Rizka Amalia ◽  
Ikma Citra Ranteallo

This research further examines the video entitled “what is the truth about post-factual politics?” about the case in the United States related to Trump and in the UK related to Brexit. The phenomenon of Post truth/post factual also occurs in Indonesia as seen in the political struggle experienced by Ahok in the governor election (DKI Jakarta). Through Michel Foucault's approach to post truth with assertive logic, the mass media is constructed for the interested parties and ignores the real reality. The conclusion of this study indicates that new media was able to spread various discourses ranging from influencing the way of thoughts, behavior of society to the ideology adopted by a society.Keywords: Post factual, post truth, new media


Making Waves ◽  
2019 ◽  
pp. 157-170
Author(s):  
Mairéad Hanrahan

Hélène Cixous’s 1975 ‘Le Rire de la méduse’, later expanded into ‘Sorties’, represented a defining moment in both feminism and literary criticism/theory. When for the first time the French text was republished in 2010, Cixous speculated that the text was – disappointingly – still timely after all those years, contrary to her hopes at the original time of writing. This chapter explores Cixous’s text in relation to time in a number of different respects. It examines the significance of its very particular reception over time, and the implications that the signal failure to read it may have for both feminism and literary criticism/theory. But the chapter also considers the significance of Cixous’s work on time. The very notion of an anniversary, which simultaneously marks both a movement forward and a return to the past, is at odds with the linear, teleological idea of progress that remains dominant in discourses of political struggle. Yet the term ‘revolution’ indicates the importance of a cyclical movement of turning around or returning in effecting political change. This chapter therefore also studies the political dimension of Cixous’s approach to temporality.


2016 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 67-77 ◽  
Author(s):  
René Dietrich

This essay argues that the biopolitical logics of settler colonialism function according to a naturalization in Western thought of politics as a project of hierarchically ordering life in relation to the sphere of politics. Significantly, such a mode of thinking discredits socio-political orders that operate on the basis of a non-hierarchical place-based relationality of all life forms including the land. Through a reading of Foucault and Agamben in their use of Aristotle, I want to show how hierarchy as a principle of the political is already implemented in the premise they draw upon for analyzing the biopolitical. In the same way it remains unrecognized in their analysis of biopolitics, this principle also becomes operative within settler colonial logics of life and land. Recently, however, Indigenous scholars and writers have mobilized relationality in its formative characteristic for Indigenous polities and politics as strategy to disrupt biopolitical logics and denaturalize settler colonial rule, which I want to show through engaging Daniel Heath Justice’s Indigenous fantasy trilogy The Way of Thorn and Thunder: The Kynship Chronicles as a site of disruptive relationality and political knowledge production.


Author(s):  
Igor L. Kurs

For the first time in the national historiography, various aspects of the internal political struggle in Scotland regarding its political status in 2007–2011 are considered. The key actors in this struggle are identified, the forms and tools used by various political forces to realise their goals are highlighted, and the issue of the Scottish National Party as a government party is explored. The activity of two organisations – «National Conversation» and the Calman Commission, created at the initiative of two opposing camps of Scottish politics, is analysed. It is noted that as a result of their work, the discussion about the political future of the region was brought to a qualitatively new level, and all the main political forces in the region recognised the need to expand the powers of the Scottish Parliament.


Author(s):  
J Daniel Elam

Postcolonial theory is a body of thought primarily concerned with accounting for the political, aesthetic, economic, historical, and social impact of European colonial rule around the world in the 18th through the 20th century. Postcolonial theory takes many different shapes and interventions, but all share a fundamental claim: that the world we inhabit is impossible to understand except in relationship to the history of imperialism and colonial rule. This means that it is impossible to conceive of “European philosophy,” “European literature,” or “European history” as existing in the absence of Europe’s colonial encounters and oppression around the world. It also suggests that colonized world stands at the forgotten center of global modernity. The prefix “post” of “postcolonial theory” has been rigorously debated, but it has never implied that colonialism has ended; indeed, much of postcolonial theory is concerned with the lingering forms of colonial authority after the formal end of Empire. Other forms of postcolonial theory are openly endeavoring to imagine a world after colonialism, but one which has yet to come into existence. Postcolonial theory emerged in the US and UK academies in the 1980s as part of a larger wave of new and politicized fields of humanistic inquiry, most notably feminism and critical race theory. As it is generally constituted, postcolonial theory emerges from and is deeply indebted to anticolonial thought from South Asia and Africa in the first half of the 20th century. In the US and UK academies, this has historically meant that its focus has been these regions, often at the expense of theory emerging from Latin and South America. Over the course of the past thirty years, it has remained simultaneously tethered to the fact of colonial rule in the first half of the 20th century and committed to politics and justice in the contemporary moment. This has meant that it has taken multiple forms: it has been concerned with forms of political and aesthetic representation; it has been committed to accounting for globalization and global modernity; it has been invested in reimagining politics and ethics from underneath imperial power, an effort that remains committed to those who continue to suffer its effects; and it has been interested in perpetually discovering and theorizing new forms of human injustice, from environmentalism to human rights. Postcolonial theory has influenced the way we read texts, the way we understand national and transnational histories, and the way we understand the political implications of our own knowledge as scholars. Despite frequent critiques from outside the field (as well as from within it), postcolonial theory remains one of the key forms of critical humanistic interrogation in both academia and in the world.


Perichoresis ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 16 (4) ◽  
pp. 35-59
Author(s):  
Alasdair Black

Abstract This article considers the theological influences on the Balfour Declaration which was made on the 2 November 1917 and for the first time gave British governmental support to the establishment of a Jewish homeland in Palestine. It explores the principal personalities and political workings behind the Declaration before going on to argue the statement cannot be entirely divested from the religious sympathies of those involved, especially Lord Balfour. Thereafter, the paper explores the rise of Christian Restorationism in the context of Scottish Presbyterianism, charting how the influence of Jonathan Edwards shaped the thought of Thomas Chalmers on the role of the Jews in salvation history which in turn influenced the premillennialism of Edward Irving and his Judeo-centric eschatology. The paper then considers the way this eschatology became the basis of John Darby’s premillennial dispensationalism and how in an American context this theology began to shape the thinking of Christian evangelicals and through the work of William Blackstone provide the basis of popular and political support for Zionism. However, it also argues the political expressions of premillennial dispensationalism only occurred in America because the Chicago evangelist Dwight L. Moody was exposed to the evolving thinking of Scottish Presbyterians regarding Jewish restoration. This thinking had emerged from a Church of Scotland ‘Mission of Inquiry’ to Palestine in 1839 and been advanced by Alexander Keith, Horatius Bonar and David Brown. Finally, the paper explores how this Scottish Presbyterian heritage influenced the rise of Zionism and Balfour and his political judgements.


ATAVISME ◽  
2008 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 75-88
Author(s):  
Maimunah Maimunah

The resistance against Dutch colonialism in Indonesia was not only executed collectively such as through war but also sporadically, indirectly, and individually. The resistance against the political identity in the beginning of nineteenth centuries as represented in Pieter Elberveld (1924) by Chinese writer, Tio le Soei, shows the way Elberveld strives to resist colonial order and border as a "second class" below the Europeans. In order to destroy the colonial "rust en ordre", Elberveld uses various strategies such as claiming his resistance as Jihadfi Sablill ah (holy war), converting to Moslem and collaborating with Javanese priyayi which symbolically reflects his affiliation with the native. Meanwhile, his strategy to be called as "Toean Goesti" can be seen as his attempt to be classified as a Javanese leader. Despite the fact that Elberveld's tactics are not successful, the process to construct this self-naming portrays the variety of the colonial-subject resists the colonial rule.


2011 ◽  
Vol 38 (4) ◽  
pp. 493-513
Author(s):  
James West

AbstractThe publication of the Vekhi ("Signposts") symposium in Moscow in 1909 was the literary event of the decade in Pre-Revolutionary Russia. Its critique of the radical collectivist traditions of the Russian intelligentsia in the name of "the primacy of spiritual life" was greeted with howls of condemnation from nearly every ideological camp. Contemporaries interpreted this appeal as turn away from the political struggle with autocracy toward mysticism and obscurantism. Historians have more charitably seen Vekhi as a way station in the ideological pilgrimage of its principal participants, Peter Struve, Nicholas Berdiaev, Sergei Bulgakov and Semion Frank, from Marxism through Liberalism toward more contemplative and ethereal realms of Idealist philosophy, Orthodox theology and imperialist nationalism. Both of these interpretative streams perpetuate the impression that Vekhi represented a drift from the practical to the spiritual, and that its message went, either deservedly or tragically, unheard and unheeded. It is argued here that Vekhi's philosophical discourse contained within it some very concrete social and economic prescriptions, and that its message in fact fell on at least some receptive ears. Vehki found an attentive audience among a small group of liberal industialists in Moscow, led by Pavel Riabushinskii. It served as a catalyst for the creation of an entrepreneurial group known as the Riabushinskii Circle, and opened the way for a remarkable collaboration between intellectuals and entrepreneurs that lasted until the Bolshevik Revolution, and culminated in Riabushinskii's "Utopian Capitalist" vision for Russia.


Author(s):  
George E. Demacopoulos

This chapter explores a pair of canonical opinions written by Demetrios Chomatianos, the archbishop of Ohrid in the 1220s. These texts draw sharp sacramental boundaries not only between Greek and Latin Christians, but more notably, between Greek Christians who hold differing opinions about the standing of Latins within the Church. Chomatianos opined, for the first time in history, that Greek Christians who failed to acknowledge the threat posed by Latin Christians should be barred from the sacramental rites of the Orthodox community. These rulings by Chomatianos reflect an effort to preserve an authentic Orthodox communal identity against the taint of “sacramental miscegenation” that could be caused by either the recognition of or support for Latin rule in the East. Indeed, one of the most important features of these rulings is that they are not about Latins per se. Rather, they were about the way in which an observant Christian should respond to the political reality of Latin occupation and the possibility of resistance to the Latins within the realm of Christian sacramental rites.


2015 ◽  
Vol 17 (3) ◽  
pp. 157-121
Author(s):  
Munirul Ikhwan

The democratic climate following the fall of the Soharto regime in 1998 paved the way for the various elements of Indonesian society to re-evaluate the best way forwards for the country, which is characterised by cultural and ethnic diversity. New groups and Islamic movements came into being and made public calls for the official implementation of Sharīʿa law as the only solution to the political and economic crises gripping the country. Because these Islamists were not successful in amending the constitution through political struggle, many of them turned to social and cultural activities. This article will discuss the attempts of Muhammad Thalib, the leader of the Majelis Mujahidin and author of al-Qurʾan tarjama tafisiriyah, to critique the official government translation of the Qur'an, al-Qur'an dan terjemahnya. This article will discuss how Muhammad Thalib's translation aimed to de-legitimise the official religious discourse of the state, so that his own al-Qur'an tarjama tafsiriyah might become the most influential religious discourse in the opinion of the general public, and be perceived as the authentic call to Islam.


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