What Is the Case against Muslims?

2018 ◽  
pp. 281-302
Author(s):  
Aziz Z. Huq

Widespread aversive sentiment against Muslim co-citizens and migrants persists among the European and American publics. On both sides of the Atlantic, new political formations have challenged established parties by leveraging recent exogenous shocks—economic crisis, migration surge, and terrorism wave—to stake a claim for political power on avowedly anti-Muslim grounds. For now, naked appeals to animus remain exceptional. Instead, specific disputes or policy disagreements work as prisms. They refract and blend anti-Muslim sentiment into larger, more neutral, and broadly appealing justifications. This chapter examines this ideological and political conjunction through the lens of three specific policy disputes, each of which conjoins anti-Muslim sentiment with a neutral political principle. These disputes concern the veil, the mosque, and the terrorist profile. Respectively, these disputes integrate anti-Muslim policy vectors into the programmatic aims of securing liberal freedoms, national culture, and public order: Ambitions that can be invoked without a superficial taint of animus. Close examination of the terms of each of these public debates, however, reveals unravelling inconsistencies and internal contradictions. The actual behaviour or beliefs of Muslims have little purchase within these arguments. A naturalized category of “Muslims” with affinities to anti-Jews and anti-black stereotypes, instead does intellectual work. As a result, each of the three goals avowedly pursued in anti-Muslim polemicals—liberalism, national culture, and public order—can be conditionally embraced, and can further conduce to rejections of specific anti-Muslim positions. The chapter concludes by considering whether an insistence on the mundane and the empirical, rather than the symbolic, is a viable political strategy.

2019 ◽  
pp. 241-254
Author(s):  
Joakim Palme ◽  
Martin Ruhs ◽  
Kristof Tamas

Based on the conceptual framework of the three-way relationships between research, public debates, and policy-making, this chapter identifies key insights and lessons that can be learnt from the diversity of national and international experiences discussed in the previous chapters. The chapter draws on the theoretical analyses and case studies to make a number of recommendations for researchers, policy practitioners, and other participants in public debates to help strengthen the links between them. We argue that when linking research to public debates and policy-making on integration and migration, actors need to recognize different national and institutional contexts in order to be effective. Engaging the media carefully and strategically is critical for success. Where research is conducted in response to specific policy questions, it is critical for the credibility and impact of the research that it remains independent. When the different actors contributing to research, public debates, and policy-making understand and appreciate each other’s constraints, such common understandings can pave the way for improved policy-making processes and better public policies that deal more effectively with the real challenges of migration and integration.


2016 ◽  
pp. 111-126
Author(s):  
Robert Sobiech

The aim of the paper is to provide an overview of the existing studies concerning the phenomenon of public trust in government. Low trust in government has been frequently defined as a key problem influencing the policy process in many countries. The economic crises reinforced the importance of trust and triggered public debates on the necessary reforms of the public sector. The paper examines the key theories and research conducted by social scientists with a particular emphasis on the role of trust in risk societies. The review of the existing literature concentrates on the drivers of trust, showing the importance of two interlinked logics: the logic of consequences (the performance approach) and the logic of appropriateness (the process approach). The first one explains trust as a result of outputs and outcomes of government policies and services. The logic of appropriateness claims that trust is built on values and identity and depends on the adoption by governments the rules of integrity, openness, responsiveness and transparency. Trust in government is also deeply rooted in a broader system of rules, norms andvalues known as the trust culture. The last part of the paper is an attempt to trace an impact of an economic crisis on public trust. Studies of public opinion do not fully confirm the opinions on low trust and a decline in trust in government and trust in public administration in times of crisis. Some studies reveal considerable fluctuations of public trust in selected countries. In other countries, the public evaluation of government and public administration is high and there are only slight modifications in citizens’ perception of the government.


2021 ◽  
pp. 118-137
Author(s):  
Andrea Ciacci ◽  
Susanna Traversa

The financial and economic crisis that hit Europe since 2009 has highlighted the need to measure more effectively the impact that certain exogenous shocks can have in the social field. In order to fill this gap and to provide a statistical tool useful to measure phenomena evolving over time, we perform a non-compensatory time analysis of material deprivation in Europe by using the quantitative method known as Adjusted Mazziotta and Pareto Index (AMPI). Material deprivation is a proxy to identify the most suffering groups of people in a specific environment. We consider the material deprivation as the sum of economic stress and forced lack of durable goods. Using Eurostat EU-SILC data, we aim at determining which countries have suffered the most material deprivation and identifying clusters of deprivation. We also determine how material deprivation is evolved over time, from 2005 to 2019. Subsequently, through Influence Analysis, the robustness of the index obtained is evaluated. Our results show that the material deprivation gap between Eastern and Mediterranean countries and all the remaining countries, which already existed before the economic crisis, seems to have widened in the years up to 2015.


2012 ◽  
Vol 37 (1-2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Dirk Godenau ◽  
Dita Vogel ◽  
Vesela Kovacheva ◽  
Yan Wu

Since the start of the global economic downturn,GermanyandSpainhave experienced highly-divergent impacts of the crisis on the labour market in general and on immigrant workers in particular. This can be mainly explained by looking at the economic growth patterns prior to the crisis. Spain’s higher, more labour-intensive growth was enabled by growth in the labour supply that was fuelled by immigration and fostered by a de facto permissive immigration policy, while restrictive migration policy prevented growth in labour supply in Germany and encouraged more capital-intensive growth in which both Germans with a low level of skills, and immigrants in particular, found it difficult to integrate. We therefore argue that institutional features of the labour market promoted these patterns. The high level of importance of the temporary and informal labour market segments inSpainwhich were hit hardest by the crisis placed immigrant workers and young workers in a vulnerable position.The economic crisis has made parts of the population more sceptical about immigration in both countries. However, there appear to be no links between the severity of the crisis and public debates on migration. Although Spain was definitely hit harder by the crisis than Germany, and immigrants were affected more severely, public debates on migration and integration issues seem to be at least as fierce in Germany as in Spain. The legacy of past migrations and migration policies exerts a more significant influence on the public perception of migration as a risk than economic factors do.


2014 ◽  
Vol 2 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 79-129
Author(s):  
Murad Ismayilov

This article examines the ways in which Azerbaijan’s energy abundance and the energy diplomacy the latter made possible—combined with inherent weaknesses attending the state’s young post-colonial polity—conditioned the limits of the desirable by which the country’s post-independence elite was guided and, as such, limited the range of directions—cognitive and spatial—in which Azerbaijan’s foreign policy evolved during the first decade following independence. The study then examines how energy-induced growth in state capacity on the one hand, and the perceived failure of the state’s previous practices to help resolve outstanding security problems on the other, coupled with the effects of a number of endogenous and exogenous shocks (particularly, the colour revolutions in Georgia and Ukraine; Kosovo’s recognition by the West; the Russia-Georgia 2008 war; global economic crisis; and Turkey’s short-lived attempt at rapprochement with Armenia) and the perceptual shifts those shockwaves worked to engender, served to broaden the spatial and conceptual boundaries within which Azerbaijan’s foreign policy practices were conceived and effected, including by virtue of the energy resources the country has got in possession. The paper concludes by tracing the particular ways in which the broadening and deepening of the country’s foreign policy practices have occurred.


2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-21
Author(s):  
Muhammad Yusuf

This research shows that 19 (nineteen) fatwas of 104 (one hundred and four) fatwas of the Indonesian Ulama Council (MUI) from 1983 to 2009 are reflecting modernity and the Indonesia-ness. The modernity of the fatwas is implemented in the using of maqasid shari‘ah, the maslahat principle, collective ijtihad, and flexibility in madhhab. As for the Indonesianess of the fatwas is implemented at the local wisdom which includes the consideration of: National Stability of Indonesia, the Republic of Indonesia (NKRI), Public Order, National Culture, and Legislation regulated in Indonesia.The research supports the thought of the contextualist group which is represented by Sahal Mahfudh, Ali Yafie and Munawar Chalil; both of them echo the contextual relationship between fiqh and the aspects of Indonesian people’s life. Also Muhammad Atho Mudzhar which states that the implementation of any Islamic law is the result of interaction between the jurist or mufti with his sociocultural and sociopolitical environment. Musfirin al-Qahtani as well states the importance of istinbat methodology in facing the development of the contemporary Islamic law (fiqh) by standing on the shariah arguments, the fiqh formulas (qaidah fiqhiyyah), takhrij, and maqasid al-shari‘ah.


Author(s):  
Lene Kofoed Rasmussen

Lene Kofoed Rasmussen: Islamization of the New Generation. Report from an Islamic School in Cairo The article takes as its starting point the attitudes towards education among female Islamists who are active in an Islamic school in Cairo. It is a private school that aims to be more Islamic than the ordinary governmental school. The women whose positions are quoted in the article are all engaged in Islamism and carry out da'wa, missionary activities, as teachers and/or mothers. These women argue for a moderation of Islamic precepts such as the assertion of the absolute authority of elders, the demand for obedience, the requirement of the veil, and the segregation of genders. Through their work of Islamizing the new generation, the women themselves undergo a process of subjectification; they represent the Muslim woman as an active and responsible subject worthy of imitation. The author argues that a potential effect of the process of subjectification is a new image of the Muslim woman, challenging other potent images prevalent in the Egyptian public, such as the Muslim woman as a temptress and disturber of the public order, and the Muslim woman as a passive victim.


2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (12) ◽  
pp. 461-466
Author(s):  
T. Kadyrov ◽  
T. Shaanov

The Declaration of sovereignty by Kyrgyzstan in December 1990, the adoption of the Declaration of independence in August 1991 and their recognition by the world community were the most important historical and political events for our country at the end of the XX century, which led to fundamental changes in all spheres of public life, including in the development of culture. The changes that occurred in these years in the country’s management system have created a number of new problems in the historical and cultural development of the nation. A sharp increase in the flow of diverse ideological information, the strengthening of the influence of Western culture against the background of the socio-economic crisis that engulfed the country from the first years of sovereignty, had an impact, and not always positive, on the national culture.


Author(s):  
Kees van Duin

The European Commission is one of the key European Union (EU) institutions and has been so ever since the early days of European integration. At the same time, its role and the manner in which it exercises its various functions differ widely between the various EU policy domains. This chapter will zoom in on one such specific policy domain, namely the Economic and Monetary Union (EMU). Notably, since the Treaty of Maastricht in 1992, the European Commission has been one of the key players in the elaboration of this specific policy field in all its aspects: in the original setting up and further development of EMU, as an instigator of policy developments, and in applying its rules and regulations. At the same time, the exact nature and content of the role that the Commission plays has strongly evolved over the years. Most recently, the financial and economic crisis that erupted in 2007/2008 and its follow up have profoundly affected the policy area of EMU including the role the Commission plays in the EMU framework.


2009 ◽  
Vol 30 (9) ◽  
pp. 933-957 ◽  
Author(s):  
Brendan McSweeney

National models of social action over-privilege continuity and uniformity. They discount change — which they lack the capacity to explain (other than through exogenous shocks) — and neglect diversity within countries. This paper focuses on the national culture model which it argues requires commitment to illogical arguments and to suppositions which are theoretically and empirically untenable. An evaluation of each, it is argued, points to the existence of, and possibilities for, considerable national diversity and change — not pervasive and enduring national uniformity. Reflecting on the model’s rise and fall in anthropology, the paper also provides an outline explanation of its retention within organization studies and speculates about its future within that discipline.


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