Betrothal

2020 ◽  
pp. 11-26
Author(s):  
Carolyn James

While historians have acknowledged the importance of dynastic marriages to political strategy and diplomacy during the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, little attention has been paid to how individuals were readied for such marriages by their families. The Este-Gonzaga match was a neighbourly one. The close proximity of Ferrara and Mantua and a decade-long betrothal permitted the two families to try to establish familiarity between their betrothed children in order to reap the political fruits that a harmonious marital relationship would provide. This chapter provides an insight into what contemporaries believed to be the foundations for a successful marriage and uncovers the very different journeys towards wedlock of a young, strictly cloistered, aristocratic girl and a mature bachelor prince.

2019 ◽  
Vol 58 (2) ◽  
pp. 249-259
Author(s):  
Joseph Acquisto

This essay examines a polemic between two Baudelaire critics of the 1930s, Jean Cassou and Benjamin Fondane, which centered on the relationship of poetry to progressive politics and metaphysics. I argue that a return to Baudelaire's poetry can yield insight into what seems like an impasse in Cassou and Fondane. Baudelaire provides the possibility of realigning metaphysics and politics so that poetry has the potential to become the space in which we can begin to think the two of them together, as opposed to seeing them in unresolvable tension. Or rather, the tension that Baudelaire animates between the two allows us a new way of thinking about the role of esthetics in moments of political crisis. We can in some ways see Baudelaire as responding, avant la lettre, to two of his early twentieth-century readers who correctly perceived his work as the space that breathes a new urgency into the questions of how modern poetry relates to the world from which it springs and in which it intervenes.


Somatechnics ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 185-200
Author(s):  
Natalie Kouri-Towe

In 2015, Queers Against Israeli Apartheid Toronto (QuAIA Toronto) announced that it was retiring. This article examines the challenges of queer solidarity through a reflection on the dynamics between desire, attachment and adaptation in political activism. Tracing the origins and sites of contestation over QuAIA Toronto's participation in the Toronto Pride parade, I ask: what does it mean for a group to fashion its own end? Throughout, I interrogate how gestures of solidarity risk reinforcing the very systems that activists desire to resist. I begin by situating contemporary queer activism in the ideological and temporal frameworks of neoliberalism and homonationalism. Next, I turn to the attempts to ban QuAIA Toronto and the term ‘Israeli apartheid’ from the Pride parade to examine the relationship between nationalism and sexual citizenship. Lastly, I examine how the terms of sexual rights discourse require visible sexual subjects to make individual rights claims, and weighing this risk against political strategy, I highlight how queer solidarities are caught in a paradox symptomatic of our times: neoliberalism has commodified human rights discourses and instrumentalised sexualities to serve the interests of hegemonic power and obfuscate state violence. Thinking through the strategies that worked and failed in QuAIA Toronto's seven years of organising, I frame the paper though a proposal to consider political death as a productive possibility for social movement survival in the 21stcentury.


2019 ◽  
Vol 62 (7) ◽  
pp. 110-123
Author(s):  
Vladimir Y. Bystrov ◽  
Vladimir M. Kamnev

The article discusses the attitude of Georg Lukács and his adherents who formed a circle “Techeniye” (lit. “current”) toward the phenomenon of Stalinism. Despite the political nature of the topic, the authors are aspired to provide an unbiased research. G. Lukács’ views on the theory and practice of Stalinism evolved over time. In the 1920s Lukács welcomes the idea of creation of socialism in one country and abandons the former revolutionary ideas expressed in his book History and Class Consciousness. This turn is grounded by new interpretation of Hegel as “realistic” thinker whose “realism” was shown in the aspiration to find “reconciliation” with reality (of the Prussian state) and in denial of any utopias. The philosophical evolution leading to “realism” assumes integration of revolutionaries into the hierarchy of existing society. The article “Hölderlin’s Hyperion” represents attempt to justify Stalinism as a necessary and “progressive” phase of revolutionary development of the proletariat. Nevertheless, events of the second half of the 1930s (mass repressions, the peace treaty with Nazi Germany) force Lukács to realize the catastrophic nature of political strategy of Stalinism. In his works, Lukács ceases to analyze political topics and concentrates on problems of aesthetics and literary criticism. However, his aesthetic position allows to reconstruct the changed political views and to understand why he had earned the reputation of the “internal opponent” to Stalinism. After 1956, Lukács turns to political criticism of Stalinism, which nevertheless remains unilateral. He sees in Stalinism a kind of the left sectarianism, the theory and practice of the implementation of civil war measures in the era of peaceful co-existence of two systems.


Author(s):  
Hannah Cornwell

This book examines the two generations that spanned the collapse of the Republic and the Augustan period to understand how the concept of pax Romana, as a central ideology of Roman imperialism, evolved. The author argues for the integral nature of pax in understanding the changing dynamics of the Roman state through civil war to the creation of a new political system and world-rule. The period of the late Republic to the early Principate involved changes in the notion of imperialism. This is the story of how peace acquired a central role within imperial discourse over the course of the collapse of the Republican framework to become deployed in the legitimization of the Augustan regime. It is an examination of the movement from the debates over the content of the concept, in the dying Republic, to the creation of an authorized version controlled by the princeps, through an examination of a series of conceptions about peace, culminating with the pax augusta as the first crystallization of an imperial concept of peace. Just as there existed not one but a series of ideas concerning Roman imperialism, so too were there numerous different meanings, applications, and contexts within which Romans talked about ‘peace’. Examining these different nuances allows us insight into the ways they understood power dynamics, and how these were contingent on the political structures of the day. Roman discourses on peace were part of the wider discussion on the way in which Rome conceptualized her Empire and ideas of imperialism.


2021 ◽  
pp. 003232172110026
Author(s):  
Kurt Weyland

Responding to Rueda’s questions, this essay explains the political-strategic approach (PSA) to populism and highlights its analytical strengths, which have become even more important with the emergence of populist governments across the world. PSA identifies populism’s core by emphasizing the central role of personalistic leaders who tend to operate in opportunistic ways, rather than consistently pursuing programmatic or ideological orientations. PSA is especially useful nowadays, when scholars’ most urgent task is to elucidate the political strategies of populist chief executives and their problematic repercussions, especially populism’s threat to democracy.


1987 ◽  
Vol 40 (12) ◽  
pp. 1923 ◽  
Author(s):  
ID Rae ◽  
ID Rae ◽  
A Staffa ◽  
A Staffa ◽  
AC Diz ◽  
...  

In order to obtain a deeper insight into the title effect, several compounds with an F atom very close to a C-H of a nearby functional group were synthesized and the relevant couplings measured. The most conspicuous case was that of 8-fluoro-2-hydroxynaphthalene-1-carbaldehyde where a close proximity between the F and H atoms is the result of fluorine-oxygen repulsion and the formation of an intramolecular hydrogen bond between the hydroxyl and carbonyl groups. The experimental four-bond J(F,CHO) coupling is 26.2 Hz. A compound very similar to this one, but without the OH group, was chosen on which to perform a polarization propagator analysis of the through-space (TS) coupling pathways, at the RPA-INDO level. The expression for the TS coupling in terms of the projected polarization propagator and perturbators was numerically analysed. It is found that this coupling is completely dominated by a TS component of the Fermi contact (FC) term, the main features of which are: ( i ) It decays exponentially with the F-H distance; (ii) Its main contribution comes from an electron excitation involving the F lone-pair, the C-H bond of the CHO moiety and its corresponding antibonding orbital;(iii) The π-type lone-pair does not contribute to the TS coupling pathway of the FC term.


2003 ◽  
Vol 80 (3) ◽  
pp. 513-527 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tom Reichert ◽  
James E. Mueller ◽  
Michael Nitz

This study examines content and tone of political information in five leading general interest and lifestyle magazines from December 1999 through November 2000. The analysis revealed a low level of political information in the selected magazines. With the exception of Rolling Stone and Glamour, the nature of coverage was strategy oriented and superficial, while the tone was mostly cynical in men's magazines, yet favorable toward Gore. The results provide a glimpse of the political information available for typical young adults and insight into the apathetic attitudes of young adults toward the American political system.


Inner Asia ◽  
2012 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 131-171
Author(s):  
Hildegard Diemberger

AbstractIn this paper I follow the social life of the Tibetan books belonging to the Younghusband-Waddell collection. I show how books as literary artefacts can transform from ritual objects into loot, into commodities and into academic treasures and how books can have agency over people, creating networks and shaping identities. Exploring connections between books and people, I look at colonial collecting, Orientalist scholarship and imperial visions from an unusual perspective in which the social life and cultural biography of people and things intertwine and mutually define each other. By following the trajectory of these literary artefacts, I show how their traces left in letters, minutes and acquisition documents give insight into the functioning of academic institutions and their relationship to imperial governing structures and individual aspirations. In particular, I outline the lives of a group of scholars who were involved with this collection in different capacities and whose deeds are unevenly known. This adds a new perspective to the study of this period, which has so far been largely focused on the deeds of key individuals and the political and military setting in which they operated. Finally, I show how the books of this collection have continued to exercise their attraction and moral pressure on twenty-first-century scholars, both Tibetan and international, linking them through digital technology and cyberspace.


Res Publica ◽  
1976 ◽  
Vol 18 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 461-173
Author(s):  
André Philipart

As the restructuration of municipalities (local power) could bring along new local political alliances, one would have thought about the possibility of a relevant modification of the political map of Wallonie (French speaking region of Belgium) after the «elections communales» of October 10th, 1976.Some experts had even conceived that the reorganization of the local authority was a manoeuvre of the central government, made in order to neutralize a region in which the «Parti Socialiste Belge» had the majority (voices 36.8 % and 35.5 % of the deputies and senators mandates) . Others thought that the national political strategy would prevail.On the contrary, the results of the election have proved, that the «Parti Socialiste Belge» has kept its predominance in Wallonie (175 lists PSB in the 262 municipalities, 87 lists «en cartel» ; 58 got the majority of the votes and participation in the coalitions in more than half of the municipalities).  The other political parties (PSC, PLP, etc.) have kept their position.The national strategy didn't appear neither in the program, nor in the constitution of the voting lists ( 445 lists for the national parties, 541 local lists).The national political «variables» (alternatives)(government versus opposition; Brussel v. the regions; center v. pheriphery ; community v. community), haven't brought modifications to the local objectives for which the main reason remains either to keep the power or to make its conquest.


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