Performance and Evaluation of Political Executives

Author(s):  
Ludger Helms

While not being a classic subject of executive politics research, there has been a wealth of scholarly activities more recently that have moved issues of performance, and evaluation, centre-stage. Understood as an independent variable, the performance of political executives has come to be acknowledged as a key factor shaping the political fate of both the government of the day (including more particular issues, such as the electoral costs of governing) and the regime more generally. Research on performance as a dependent variable has focused on such different aspects as the nature and timing of public policies that governments make, political communication, and the personality of different office-holders in the executive branch. As the agenda is expanding quickly, the growing realization of the various meanings of ‘performance’ and a new comparative ambition committed to reaching beyond a particular type of political regimes look set to become important catalysts for future innovations in the field.

2021 ◽  
Vol 55 (1) ◽  
pp. 223-252
Author(s):  
Milan Rapajić

One of the characteristics of the system of government in the Fifth French Republic is the strengthened position of the head of state, but also the existence of the first minister as a constitutional category with a significant role. The constitution provides the political responsibility of the government with the Prime Minister and ministers before parliament. Certain French writers have opinion that the Prime Minister appears as the central figure of the constitutional structure. The Prime Minister shall direct the actions of the Government. This is 21 of Constitution. Also, there are specific powers that put the Prime Minister in the position of its real head of government. Among the prime minister's most important powers is his right to elect members of the government. It is the right to propose to the President of the Republic the appointment but also the dismissal of members of the government. The Prime Minister is authorized to re-sign certain acts of the President of the Republic. In case of temporary impediment of the head of state, the Prime Minister chairs the councils and committees for national defense, as well as the Council of Ministers. The paper analyzes the constitutional provisions that lead to the conclusion that the position of the Prime Minister is institutionally constructed as strong. Political practice, with the exception of periods of cohabitation, has indicated that most prime ministers have been overshadowed by mostly powerful heads of state. For that reason, it is necessary to analyze the political practice of all eight presidential governments. A review of the already long political life that has lasted since 1958. points to the conclusion that in its longest period, presidents of the Republic dominated the public political scene. The Prime Minister has a more pronounced role in the executive branch during cohabitation periods. However, nine years in three cohabitations cannot change the central conclusion of this paper that the dominant political practice of the Fifth Republic has led to the Prime Minister being essentially in the shadow of the head of state.


Author(s):  
Sergii Tellis ◽  

The article provides a comparative study of the constitutional powers granted to presidents in Ukraine and Hungary in the context of the political and legal aspect, and also an attempt to appraise the role of subjective factors involved in the exercise of state power and transformation of the presidency institute of the aforementioned states. The aim of the article: to comparative study of the constitutional and legal status of Hungarian and Ukrainian presidents in the political and legal context and performing an appraisal of the personal impact exerted by the head of state on the government of the above-said countries. The research methodology: to observation and generalization; ordering of all basic elements; method of scientific generalization, which made it possible to formulate conclusions. As a result, it is established that the institution of the presidency in Ukraine is the core of the executive branch, which dominates the state system. In Hungary, the executive and legislative branches make up a political bloc (alliance) which is counterbalanced in certain relations by the constitutional court and judicial power. The subjective factor, namely personal qualities of presidents – career path, role perception, interpretation of powers – determines the political heft of the head of state. Subject to sufficient individual traits, a constitutionally “weak” president is able to influence the country’s development concept and the positioning strategy on the global scene.


Modern Italy ◽  
2008 ◽  
Vol 13 (3) ◽  
pp. 333-348 ◽  
Author(s):  
Franca Roncarolo ◽  
Marinella Belluati

This article analyses the experience of the second Prodi government from the standpoint of its political communication. The opening part contextualises the case by placing it within the broader framework of coalition governments generally, and briefly outlines the critical elements that, in Italy, prevent any majority from making a genuinely strategic use of communication in the policy-making process. The second part focuses on Prodi's poor communication, highlighting both its limits and the attempts at improvement made by the leader and his staff in 2007. Finally, the third part examines the journalistic coverage of the centre-left majority and considers the trend in public approval for the premier and the government, emphasising the problems that emerged on each side.


2015 ◽  
Vol 3 (11) ◽  
pp. 0-0
Author(s):  
Дина Пайгина ◽  
Dina Paygina

The article analyzes discussion questions about the concept of a political regime and its relationship to related categories: “form of government”, “public regime” and others. Clarity in understanding will contribute to the correctness of classification of these categories, considered in theory. The article presents ideas that have influenced the understanding of political regimes. Particular attention is paid to works of ancient authors, who are still on top of their relevancy due to their flexibility, despite the fact that they were formulated many years ago. The author proposes to define a political regime as a degree of political freedom of the citizens, expressed in the established system of rights that citizens may use when exercising their freedom, as the framework within which it should be exercised, and as the degree of effectiveness of the government. The author substantiates the connection between the political regime and legislative dynamics, which serves as an illustration of the current situation as a result of the decision-making by government authorities.


Author(s):  
Zbigniew Machelski

The category of the system of government in Poland requires reference to ‘the governance style’ of the right, and to the tendency that has appeared in international politics in recent years to call it populist nationalism. The objective of this paper is to show that in the case of Poland after 2015, the thesis of the retreat of democracy has no factual grounds, and it can be countered through the use of evidence. The system of government in Poland after the Law and Justice party came to power cannot be described as a contradiction to democracy. Citizens are not being manipulated and deceived. They are aware of the content of decisions made by the executive branch. The opposition is able to act freely, and it is supported by independent private media. There are many veto points in the political system. The government can count on public support that is stronger than that of the governments from the period before 2015.


Humaniora ◽  
2013 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 894
Author(s):  
Tukina Tukina

Price of international oil and gas has fluctuatively increased from time to time. The reality encourages the government of Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono (SBY) to raise (or adjust) the price of fuel in the country. Viewed from the history, since the era of President Soekarno, Soeharto, Megawati, and Gusdur fuel price increase policy has always been controversial, inviting pros and cons, although the actual adjustment is reasonable and necessary. Government policy of SBY to raise fuel prices and ultimately failed is interesting to learn. This study focused on the political communication of SBY government. The SBY government's efforts to raise fuel prices got tough challenge from several people, including members of the Parliament. The pros and cons protracted and eventually the SBY government failed to raise the fuel prices. Methodology of this article used descriptive-qualitative research. Data obtained through field observations and literature. Data were analyzed descriptively based on research purposes. Role of the writer in a descriptive qualitative study was the main thing. Results showed that the failure of SBY political communication was caused by the failure in convincing Indonesian people. SBY government needed to clarify and reinforce the authority to raise fuel prices belong to the Government. Any information (messages) should be communicated directly, clearly, and firmly through the process. Messages from the source to the target (society) needs to be maintained properly. If not, the messages can be misused. Each message can be added, subtracted (either partially or completely) which will lead to misunderstanding, biased, confusing, and protracting situasions. 


2017 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 133-142
Author(s):  
Evie Ariadne Shinta Dewi

The main thesis of this paper is reveals how the process of political communication should take place in order to achieve the idealization of democracy in accordance with the objectives of post-collapse reform of the authoritarian new order era. After nearly 18 years of reformation, substantial issues and basic problems still seem to burden the government. On the other hand, political democratization process seems to be influenced by the old pattern. This paper elaborates how the role of political communication in the process of democratization has been going on. The data obtained through documentation studies from various sources. The results of the study indicate that a state that should be positioned as the main actor in the process of political communication is often overlooked because of the large number of noise that caused by the main message of the state which is not well conveyed. As the result, the institutionalization of democratic values is still not the main commitment of the political parties. In the future, this country needs a strategy that puts the state both as a communicator and a communicant, so that the consolidation of democracy can be realized soon.


1995 ◽  
Vol 10 (0) ◽  
pp. 201-231
Author(s):  
Kyo-Sun Hwang

The form of the Korean government has been a presidential responsibility system with certain aspects of the parliamentary cabinet system in terms of power structure. The position of the Prime Minister came as a result of a compromise between the presidential responsibility system and the parliamentary cabinet system. Despite the existence of the prime Ministership, more emphasis has been placed on the presidential responsibility system than the parliamentary cabinet system. The emphasis has been placed on the presidential responsibility system on the ground that it would contribute toward the political stability of the country. To look back at the past of the evolution of the Korean Constitution, it is easily found that a fundamental mistake was committed when the Constitution and the Administration Organization Law were made.


Author(s):  
Refika Refika ◽  
Lias Hasibuan ◽  
Kasful Anwar Us

This article aims to get an overview of how basic concepts of economics ofeducation at the level of the supra-structure and infra-political structure inIndonesia. In that state of supra structure that includes the legislative, executive,judicial, and other state institutions, the government of Indonesia has made apolicy in writing that stated in the mandate of the constitution the Constitutionof 1945 of the State's obligation in financing education in Indonesia. Educationfunding is contained in Article 31 paragraph (4) of the 1945 Constitution thatthe State prioritize the education budget by 20% from APBN/APBD. If seen in astate of infra-structure that covers the center of the political power of thepeople, contained in elements of social organization, political figures,community leaders, the tools of political communication, and especially apolitical organization or political party is able to affect the workings of theapparatus of the public to express, distribute, translate, convert demands,support and the specific problems associated with the public interest, especiallyin this case the education sector, the government has given freedom inexpressing their opinions. It is proved that the Indonesian State has beenattempted in the give attention to education for its citizens. Because with aquality education will be able to improve economic growth and development ina Country. However, the education budget by 20% is considered not able tomaximize the improvement of the quality of education in Indonesia, so the needfor a new policy in increasing the percentage of the budget for education.


2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (4) ◽  
pp. 346
Author(s):  
Lyudmila G. Titova ◽  
Anna V. Uryadova ◽  
Sergey A. Baburkin

The article deals with the issues of modern Russian political discourse - the interaction of power and society, political communication, the influence of power through the spoken and written word on the mass consciousness. The significance of the problem in modern society is associated with the expansion of the political space through multi-sided political communication, the introduction of new subjects in the political polylogue, the dissemination of information flows that are exchanged by participants in the political process and which are not always adequately perceived and processed by them, which creates opportunities for purposeful management of people's behavior. In Russian political practice, this has been noted in various forms of controlled protest. Media texts, the interpretation of written texts in their variety of genres, the ability to persuade in oral speeches, the use of political terms, informal words and expressions, slang, depending on the audience and the goals set by the speakers, are becoming more and more common forms of influence. Modern political discourse is shown as existing outside of the moral requirements and restrictions imposed by the authorities, who pursue the main goal of self - preservation and self-restraint, and use all methods of manipulation for this purpose, creating a pseudo-reality. This is especially significant in times of political crises, when power structures and leaders begin to reveal their failure, inability to make adequate political decisions, compensating them with various technologies of zombie population. Channels of influence are the media, which in the conditions of the information society turn into another power institution. Manipulative influence of the word can be neutralized in the dialogue between the government and society, which implies a high level of political culture of the elite and citizens.


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