French Colonialism and The Making of the Modern Sahel

2021 ◽  
pp. 34-50
Author(s):  
Gregory Mann

French colonial rule played an important but not determinative role in making the modern Sahel. By the 1950s, the region was more integrated politically and infrastructurally than it would be in the decades that followed. At independence, the new governments of the Sahel featured identical, if parallel, political institutions modeled on those of the French Fifth Republic (1958–). They also shared a secular character, a military culture, a history of slavery, entrenched inequality, and labor migration, and the subordination—without integration—of Saharan societies to their southern neighbors. Yet, if colonialism contributed to making the modern Sahel in an institutional sense, it did not represent a profound epistemological break. Rather, longue durée internal dynamics continued to prevail. If any single event or phenomenon “made” the modern Sahel, it was postcolonial drought and its political effects rather than imperial domination.

2018 ◽  
Vol 59 (3) ◽  
pp. 399-409 ◽  
Author(s):  
RHIANNON STEPHENS

AbstractThis article examines how historians have approached the history of poverty in Africa before European colonisation. From an earlier focus on the emergence of class difference to more recent studies on the emergence of poverty, scholars have demonstrated the longevity of economic inequality in Africa. This historiography counters a linear view of the growth of economic inequality and the idea that poverty is a necessary corollary of wealth. The article then considers how historians have studied the meanings of poverty within particular societies to the nineteenth century allowing us to move beyond the inadequacy of quantitative data. It ends by arguing for morelongue duréestudies of poverty in Africa with a focus on the qualitative and on the internal dynamics of particular societies. This will improve our knowledge about how colonial rule changed the experience and reality of poverty for people across the continent and form a basis for comparative studies.


2020 ◽  
pp. 56-67
Author(s):  
Nikolay N. Dyakov ◽  

Muhammed b. Yusuf (1909–1961) — a key person in political history of Morocco in the middle of the 20th C. With his intronization in the beginning of the French colonial rule Muhammed b. Yusuf started in his biography a long and winding road from a puppet sultanate as an instrument of the French Protectorate, to the leadership in the liberation movement, becoming a symbol of nationalism and a father-founder of the independent Moroccan statehood restored in 1956.


Africa ◽  
1985 ◽  
Vol 55 (4) ◽  
pp. 390-399 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lidwien Kapteijns

Opening ParagraphThis article is based on a wider study of the history of the western Sudan, in particular the border area between the historical sultanates of Dar Fur and Wadai (Kapteijns, 1985). The period under discussion is 1882–1930, from the successful struggle against foreign domination led by the Sudanese Mahdi to the firm establishment of British colonial rule in the western Sudan. The theme which this article explores for this area and period is that of popular revolt and Islamic (specifically Mahdist) ideology. The source materials for this study consist of Arabic correspondence from the Mahdist archives, oral data and British and French colonial records.


1988 ◽  
Vol 15 ◽  
pp. 431-456 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robin Law

The kingdom of Dahomey (or Fon) was probably founded during the first half of the seventheenth century, but emerged clearly as a major power only in the early eighteenth century when its king Agaja (ca. 1716–40) conquered its southern neighbours Allada (1724) and Whydah (1727), thereby establishing direct contact with the European slave-traders at the coast. Dahomey then remained the dominant power in the area until it was itself conquered by the French in the 1892–94. The kingdom ceased to exist as a political entity when its last king was deposed by the French in 1900, but a degree of institutional continuity has been maintained through the performance of rituals at the royal palace (now a museum) in the capital city Abomey. The history of Dahomey from the 1720s onwards is relatively well documented from contemporary European sources, enjoying in particular the unique distinction of being made the subject already in the eighteenth century of a published book—Archibald Dalzel's History of Dahomy (1793). There is also a rich and coherent corpus of narrative traditions relating to the kingdom's history, best known in the classic recension published in 1911 by the French colonial official Le Herissé, which is in fact merely a translation (and in some measure an abridgement, omitting some detailed material) of the account given to him by a single Dahomian informant, Agbidinukun, the chef de canton of the cercle of Abomey under French colonial rule and a brother of the last independent king of Dahomey, Behanzin (1889–94).


Author(s):  
P.N. Nuskabai ◽  

In this article, we investigated the history of Algeria in the period of colonial expansion of France. Explored the main aspects of this problem, characterized by various stages of social, economic and cultural development of colonial Algeria. The coexistence of the indigenous Algerian people and the European population in the years of French colonial rule is one of the most important factors that determined the whole course of modern history of Algeria. In this research work investigated the main features of the colonial policy of France in the nineteenth century, the impact of colonization on Algerian society, economic, social and political structure of Algeria during the French and European domination, and the liberation war in Algeria, the collapse of colonial rule and independence.


1990 ◽  
Vol 31 (3) ◽  
pp. 347-352 ◽  
Author(s):  
John Hargreaves

Henri Brunschwig (1904–1989) began his career as a notable historian of Germany but became an influential pioneer of African studies in France, first at the Ecole Nationale de la France d'Outre-Mer (1948–60) and thereafter at the Ecole Pratique des Hautes Etudes. His own research ranged from Brazza's role in the French occupation of equatorial Africa to the part played by Africans in establishing and sustaining French colonial rule. His lucid and original works of synthesis helped greatly to bring an evolving body of knowledge about the African past into the frame of modern world history. His emphasis both on rigorous standards of source-criticism and on the need for broad horizons in time and space continues to exercise authority over historians in France, Africa, and beyond.


Istoriya ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (5 (103)) ◽  
pp. 0
Author(s):  
Nikolai Diakov

History of relations between France and the Islamic world goes back to the first centuries of Hijra, when the Franks first faced the Caliphate and its troops in the Eastern and Western Mediterranean. On the eve of the New times Paris had already developed its numerous contacts with Turkey, Iran and the Arab West — the Maghreb area. The conquest of Algeria (from 1830) formed a basis of the French colonial empire in Africa and Asia with the growing role of Islam in political activities and ambitions of Paris. Millions of Muslims in French colonies contributed to growth of political and economic progress of their metropoly with its pretensions to become a great Muslim power. Meanwhile, thousands of them lost their lives during two great world wars of the 20th century. Waves of immigration gave birth to an impressive Islamic community (‘umma), in France, reaching about a million of residents by the middle of the 20th century. With the growth of Muslim immigration from Africa and the Middle East a number of Muslims among the natives of France also augmented. By the end of the last century the Muslims formed as much as about 10 % of the whole population of France. The “French Islam” born at the dawn of the 20th century. after a century of its evolution became an important civilizational reality of Europe, at times more attractive for the local youth than traditional Christian values, or the new ideals, brought with the winds of globalism, multiculturalism and a “non-stop consumerism”.


Author(s):  
Douglas A. Yates

Primeval rainforest at the Equator on the west coast of Africa, the land we know as Gabon, was settled prehistorically by Pygmies during the late Stone Age, and then by Bantu-speaking migrants during the Iron Age. These culturally diverse peoples did not develop a common language or political system with one another until after their violent conquest by Europeans during the colonial era. The Age of Discovery in the 15th century brought European explorers to the coast. The Atlantic triangle trade, with its slave barracoons and entrepôts, transformed some African communities along the coast into centralized kingdoms, and turned other clan-based societies of the forested interior into hunted peoples suspicious of any and all outsiders, European or African. The Scramble for Africa brought military expeditions into Gabon in the 19th century, when French colonial rule was established. Colonialism bestowed on the ethnic groups of Gabon a protonational identity of being “Gabonese,” although this nationalist impulse was muted in the late 19th and early 20th centuries by the effort of French authorities and missionaries to assimilate black Africans into France’s culture and civilization. Unassimilated colonial subjects in the interior of the newly conquered territory violently resisted French colonial rule until the world wars, by which time the assimilation project had sufficiently fashioned a new coastal French-educated Gabonese elite. The two world wars weakened France and led these assimilated elites to a call for political reforms, at first taking the form of mono-ethnic-based political parties, but eventually coalescing around multiethnic coalitions, largely francophone in outlook, while retaining many elements of older precolonial identities. Independence in 1960 brought to power three authoritarian rulers—Léon Mba, Omar Bongo, and Ali Bongo—as well as consolidation of an oil-rentier state and an oxymoronic dynastic republic. “Gabonese” national identity emerged, an imagined community constructed out of African music, literature, and art, yet incorporating French as its lingua franca.


2014 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 79
Author(s):  
Olivier Cuisset

Do campo para a cidade e vice-versa: elementos da história do movimento Garifuna em HondurasEste artigo propõe abordar à história da luta Garífuna em Honduras, centrando-se na fundação e posterior evolução da Organização Fraternal Negra de Honduras (OFRANEH), atualmente Federação do Povo Garífuna Hondurenho. Partimos da formação das primeiras organizações negras nas cidades da Costa Norte, desde a década de 1950 até a fundação da OFRANEH a finais dos anos 70, em contra o racismo e a discriminação imperantes e em vínculo com as migrações laborais e o auge do ativismo sindical. Tratamos de entender a evolução da OFRANEH nas duas décadas seguintes a partir de suas dinâmicas internas, da agudização da problemática territorial nas comunidades garífunas da costa, de uma transformação multicultural no âmbito estatal e o surgimento de um movimento étnico a nível nacional. Discutimos, por fim, as contradições do multiculturalismo neoliberal e suas consequências para o movimento indígena e garífuna, com relação a suas referências  identitárias, seus marcos ideológicos e suas estratégias políticas. Esse estudo busca sintetizar a informação existente, integrando elementos de reflexão e aportes de um trabalho de campo em curso desde 2011.Palavras chaves: Honduras; Garífuna; Movimento negro; Movimento indígena; Afrodescendente---Este artículo propone un acercamiento a la historia de la lucha garífuna en Honduras, centrándose en la fundación y posterior evolución de la Organización Fraternal Negra de Honduras (OFRANEH), hoy Federación del pueblo garífuna hondureño. Partimos de la formación de las primeras organizaciones negras en las ciudades de la Costa Norte, desde la década de 1950 hasta la fundación de la OFRANEH a finales de los años 70, en contra del racismo y de la discriminación imperantes, y en vínculo con las migraciones laborales y el auge del activismo sindical. Tratamos de entender la evolución de la OFRANEH en las dos décadas siguientes a partir de sus dinámicas internas, de la agudización de la problemática territorial en las comunidades garífunas de la costa, de un cambio multicultural a nivel estatal y del surgimiento de un movimiento étnico a nivel nacional. Discutimos, por fin, las contradicciones del multiculturalismo neoliberal, y sus consecuencias en el movimiento indígena y garífuna, en cuanto a referentes identitarios, marcos ideológicos y estrategias políticas. Este estudio trata de sintetizar la información existente, integrando elementos de reflexión y aportes de un trabajo de campo en curso desde 2011.Palabras claves: Honduras; Garífuna; Movimiento negro; Movimiento indígena; Afrodescendiente---From the countryside to the city and vice-versa: elements of the story of the Garifuna movement in HondurasThis paper aims to address the history of the Garifuna struggle in Honduras, focusing on the foundation and further development of the Black Fraternal Organization of Honduras (OFRANEH), currently the Federation of Honduran Garifuna People. We begin with the formation of the first black organizations in North Coast's towns, from 1950 until the foundation of OFRANEH in the late 70s, against racism and the prevailing discrimination, and in connection with labor migration and the heyday of union activism. We attempt to understand the evolution of OFRANEH in the next two decades, starting from its internal dynamics, along with the intensification of territorial issues in the Garifuna communities of the coast, a multicultural transformation in the state and the appearance of a national ethnic movement. At last, we discuss the contradictions of neoliberal multiculturalism and its consequences for the indigenous and Garifuna movement, in relation to their identity references, their ideological frameworks and their political strategies. This study aims to synthesize existing information by integrating elements of reflection and input from field work in progress since 2011.Keywords: Honduras; Garifuna; Black movement; Indigenous movement; afrodescendant


2013 ◽  
Vol 154 (16) ◽  
pp. 619-626
Author(s):  
Mária Resch ◽  
Tamás Bella

In Hungary one can mostly find references to the psychological processes of politics in the writings of publicists, public opinion pollsters, philosophers, social psychologists, and political analysts. It would be still important if not only legal scientists focusing on political institutions or sociologist-politologists concentrating on social structures could analyse the psychological aspects of political processes; but one could also do so through the application of the methods of political psychology. The authors review the history of political psychology, its position vis-à-vis other fields of science and the essential interfaces through which this field of science, which is still to be discovered in Hungary, connects to other social sciences. As far as its methodology comprising psycho-biographical analyses, questionnaire-based queries, cognitive mapping of interviews and statements are concerned, it is identical with the psychiatric tools of medical sciences. In the next part of this paper, the focus is shifted to the essence and contents of political psychology. Group dynamics properties, voters’ attitudes, leaders’ personalities and the behavioural patterns demonstrated by them in different political situations, authoritativeness, games, and charisma are all essential components of political psychology, which mostly analyses psychological-psychiatric processes and also involves medical sciences by relying on cognitive and behavioural sciences. This paper describes political psychology, which is basically part of social sciences, still, being an interdisciplinary science, has several ties to medical sciences through psychological and psychiatric aspects. Orv. Hetil., 2013, 154, 619–626.


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