Agriculture and Rural Society

Author(s):  
Benjamin Ziemann

Agrarian producers (peasants, agricultural labourers, and the very small group of those who owned large estates, predominantly situated in the East-Elbian Prussian provinces) had a continually shrinking yet nevertheless sizeable presence in German society during the Weimar era. The chapter first covers the economic problems of the agrarian sector, from the controlled economy of the period up to 1922 to the agrarian crisis that commenced in 1927/28. It then analyses the social stratification of the village communities. While the revolution had removed the remaining legal obstacles to a full unionization of farm workers, the surge of social democratic union members among the workers on the East-Elbian estates was short lived. Brutal repression by the estate owners, but also the substantial benefits of the payment in kind that they received, had squashed labour unrest by 1921. The last section charts the history of agrarian protest in the years from 1924, and the ability of the Nazis to convert agrarian protest in Protestant regions into support for their party at the ballot box from 1930 to 1933.

Author(s):  
S.N. Korusenko

This paper aims at reconstructing the genealogy of Siberian Tatars of Knyazevs (Western Siberia), identifying the origins of their surname, which is not characteristic of the Tatars, and at analysis of the influence of socio-political and socio-economical processes in Russia in the 18th through 20th centuries on the social transformation of the family. The sources were represented by the materials of the Inventory Revision Book of Tarsky District of 1701 and census surveys of the end of 18th through 19th centuries, which allowed tracing the Knyazev family through the genealogical succession and identifying social status of its members. In this work, recordkeeping ma-terials of the 18th–20th centuries and contemporary genealogical and historical traditions of the Tatars have been utilized. In the research, the method of genealogical reconstructions by archival materials and their correlation with genealogies of modern population has been used. The history of the Knyazev family is inextricably linked to the history of modern village of Bernyazhka — one of the earliest settlements of the Ayalintsy (a group of the Si-berian Tatars) in the territory of the Tarsky Irtysh land which became the home to the Knyazevs for more than three centuries. The 1701Inventory Revision Book cites Itkuchuk Buchkakov as a local power broker of the Aya-lynsky Tatars in the village. During the 18th century, this position was inherited by his descendants who eventually lost this status in the beginning of the 19th century in the course of the managerial reforms by the Russian gov-ernment. Nevertheless, the social status of the members of the gens remained high. In the mid. 19th century, the village moved — the villagers resettled from the right bank of the River Irtysh onto the left one. As the result, the village was situated nearby the main road connecting the cities of Omsk and Tara. At the same time, the village became the center of the Ayalynskay region. That led to the strengthening of the social status and property en-richment of the descendants of Itkuchuk Buchkakov. The Knyzevs’ surname first appeared in the materials of the First All-Russia Census Survey of 1897. Some of the descendants signed up under this surname later in the Soviet period. During the Soviet years, members of the Knyzev’s gens had different destinies: some worked in the local government, whereas the others were subjected to political repressions and executed. Knyazevs took part in the Great Patriotic War and seven of them perished. Presently there are no descendants of the Knyazevs in Bernyazhka as they spread over the villages of the Omskaya Region, some living in Omsk and other towns of Russia and abroad.


2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 29-41 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alexander N. Demidov

Introduction. The article considers the publication of a unique source for the history of the Mordovian people, the “protective memory” dated by 1572 addressed to the princes and Murzes of Mordovia. The “protective memory” is considered in comparison with the “romadanovsky” list belonging to the descendants of the Mordovian prince Romadan, seeking the return of the nobility, the non-criminal record of the Temnik-Kadom Mordva, published in the XVIII century, similar to the records of Tatar Sovereigns to the Temnik-Kadom Mordva. Materials and methods. The author focused on studying the content of the source, revealing the identities of the recipients, analyzing the composition of the princes and Murz of Mordovian records, spelling of the names, origin, and family ties. The genealogy of the princes Edelevs is being reconstructed, the history of their kind is described together with the history of Mordovian Murzas and their representatives in the context of social and historical ties. Results and discussion. The article describes the social situation of Princes Edelevs, the features of land ownership, land use, property and ownership of serfs. The article discusses the history of the discovery and use of the source in the clerical work of the aristocratic deputies’ assemblies and the Governing Senate at the request of the descendants of Mordovian princes and Muzes from the Edelev family to restore the rights of the noble state. It poses the problem of studying the social stratification in Mordovian society, the typology and origin of the Mordovian aristocracy, the peculiarities of the titling and inheritance of power, its role in the historical and social development of the Mordovian people, as well as its legal status in the Russian Empire. It compares the situation of the Temnikov-Kadom Mordovian Tarkhans, Cossacks, White Field and Alatyr princes and Mordovian Murzes, serving Mordovians and Tatars. Conclusion. “Protective memory” indicates that in the XVI century there was a national Mordovian aristocracy, collaborating with Moscow and being in the service of Great Sovereigns, and subsequently becoming part of the nobility and other classes of Russian society. The choice of Mordovian princes ensured the relatively peaceful entry of Mordovian lands into the Russian Empire.


2019 ◽  
Vol 72 ◽  
pp. 04001
Author(s):  
Petr Egorov ◽  
Anna Adamenko ◽  
Terenty Ermolaev

The article discusses the history of the study of rural youth in Yakutia in the 70-80s. XX century through a historiographic review of scientific works on the youth problem. During the period under review, the role of rural youth increased, she began to actively participate in the socio-economic processes taking place in the countryside, and represented a significant share and the main resource of labor replenishment for the agricultural sector of the economy. In studies of the 70s - early 80s. emphasis was placed on the social aspects of scientific and technological progress, the impact of industrialization and intensification of agricultural production on the social structure of the rural population, and the improvement of its professional, cultural and technical level. Since the mid-1980s, research has begun to raise many complex problems related to rural lifestyles, and especially on such important changes as rural life, spiritual and material needs and needs of various population groups, in particular rural youth, factors and prospects of youth movement between the village and the city. It was established that scientific research allowed to expand scientific ideas about the rural youth of Yakutia, its social dynamics, determining its place and role in society.


1960 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 257-270 ◽  
Author(s):  
J. Vansina

A Cluster of some eighteen small tribes, numbering in all some 70,000 people, which lives on the rolling heights between the rivers Kasai, Sankuru and Lulua in the Kasai province of the Congo, are called Kuba by their neighbours. They form a kingdom which is in fact a federation of tribes, dominated by a central group, the Bushoong, whose chief is king of the whole congeries. This federation was imposed by the Bushoong upon the other tribes by conquest or threat of arms during the course of the three last centuries. As with all conquest states of which this one, although a federation, is typical, the different tribes controlled do not all have the same culture. One group, comprising the central tribes, is similar in culture and language. It includes the Bushoong, Ngeende, Pyaang, Byeeng, and Bulaang tribes. Other tribes are culturally akin to this group. Still other tribes belong to the Lulua-Luba Kasai cluster. Among these the patrilineal Coofa and the matrilineal Kete may be mentioned. Finally, other tribes like the Ngoombe or Mbeengi participate in the general type of Mongo cultures. The social structure of all the Kuba tribes with the exception of Coofa and Mbeengi is matrilineal. They are grouped in matrilineal clans, which are divided in small autonomous residential lineages, which can be called clan-sections. Clan-sections of different clans make up a village. The village is ruled by a set of dignitaries and a general council composed of the clan-section heads. The tribes of the central group and the ones who are culturally akin to it group several villages in chiefdoms which are ruled by chiefs assisted by councils. In these tribes, with the exception of the Bushoong, different chiefdoms are united loosely on a tribal scale. The Bushoong, who are the most numerous, are constituted in one chiefdom only. The religion of all the tribes of this cluster is very similar. Ancestor worship is practically absent. There are beliefs in a Supreme Being, in nature spirits, and in spirits or forces which control charms. Furthermore, mention must be made for the whole congeries of tribes of a flourishing art, especially decorative art, which is expressed in weaving, matting, woodcarving, ironworking and even architecture.


1986 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 381-401 ◽  
Author(s):  
E.F.K. Koerner

RESUME Bien que le terme 'sociolinguistics' n'ait ete introduit dans le vocabulai-re technique de la linguistique qu'en 1952 par Haver Currie et que la socio-linguistique ne soit devenue une sous-discipline importante de la science du langage que depuis les annees soixante (v. Bright 1966), cet article main-tient qu'une telle approche du langage existait depuis longtemps, peut-etre plus de cent ans. En d'autres mots, nous avangons qu'il y avait une sociolin-guistique bien avant la lettre. En effet, on retrouve dans la linguistique generate de Wiliam Dwight Whitney (1827-1894) et de Heymann Steinthal (1823-1899) et dans quel-ques articles de Michel Breal (1832-1915) des annees 60 et 70 du siecle dernier des observations qui mettent en relief la nature sociale du langage. Les dialectologues de la meme periode, surtout en France et dans les pays de langue allemande, etaient tout a fait conscients du fait que l'etude des patois, des parlers et des langues orales en general devait etre guidee par des considerations sociologiques (v. Malkiel 1976). Dans la linguistique compa-ree et historique c'est Antoine Meillet (1866-1936), eleve de Saussure et de Breal et collaborates de la revue d'Emile Durkheim, Vannee sociologique, au debut de notre siecle, qui a insiste sur l'importance de l'aspect social (et sociologique) dans l'etude du changement linguistique (par ex., Meillet 1905). Avec ses eleves de Paris, surtout Joseph Vendryes (1875-1960), Alf Sommerfelt (1892-1965) et Marcel Cohen (1884-1974), Meillet etablit l'ecole sociologique du langage (par ex., Vendryes 1921; Sommerfelt 1932; Cohen 1956). Enfin, il existe — a cote de la dialectologie et de l'histoire des langues — encore une troisieme source de la sociolinguistique: l'etude du bilinguisme (par ex., Max Weinreich 1931; Haugen 1953). Ces trois traditions de la recherche linguistique se trouvent toutes reunis dans l'etude de Uriel Weinreich (1926-1967), Languages in Contact (1953), et puisque l'ouvrage de William Labov de 1966, The Social Stratification of English in New York City, qui est souvent cite (bien a tort) comme point de depart de la sociolo-gie moderne, representait sa these de doctorate ecrite sous la direction de Weinreich, il n'est pas etonnant de voir ces traditions, surtout celles de la linguistique geographique et de la linguistique historique, maintenues dans l'oeuvre de Labov (par ex., 1976, 1982). SUMMARY Although the term 'sociolinguistics' was not introduced into linguistic nomenclature before 1952 (see Currie 1952) and the field became a recognized field of research in the late 1960s only (e.g., Bright 1966), it is clear that the subject did not begin two decades ago. Indeed, an investigation into the sources of 'sociolinguistics' reveals that its beginnings go back at least 100 years, to the work of William Dwight Whitney (1827-1894), Heymann Steinthal (1823-1899), Michel Breal (1832-1915), and others. However, these were the first programmatic statements and a number of developments in the study of language were necessary to converge upon the kind of sociolinguistics which most students of language associate with the name of William Labov (e.g., Labov 1966), at least in North America. Interestingly enough, it is also in the work of Labov (e.g., 1972) that the origins of 'sociolinguistics' (to some extent in contradistinction to the 'sociology of language' approach associated with Basil Bernstein, Joshua A. Fishman, and others) could be traced, although neither Labov nor the prolific Dell Hymes has written anything on the history of sociolinguistics. (Indeed, the only paper that comes close to it was written by an outsider to the field, the great Romance scholar Yakov Malkiel, in 1976.) In my paper, I shall demonstrate that there are essentially three major traditions of investigation that led to 'sociolinguistics', namely, (1) Dialectology, especially the work done in German-speaking lands and in France from the 1870s onwards (e.g., Georg Wenker [1852-1911], Jules Gillieron [1854-1926], and others) — part of which had been undertaken in an effort to verify and possibility to support the neogrammarian 'regularity hypothesis' of sound changes; (2) Historical Linguistics, in particular the kind advocated by Antoine Meillet (1866-1936) and his school (e.g., Meillet 1905; Vendryes 1921), which developed into a 'science sociologique' of linguistics in general (Sommerfelt 1932) and a 'sociologie du langage' (e.g., Cohen 1956) among the younger Meillet disciples, and (3) Bilingualism Studies (e.g., Max Weinreich 1931; Haugen 1953), traditions all of which can be found united in the 1953 study of Uriel Weinreich (1926-1967), who happens to have been Labov's teacher and mentor.


LaGeografia ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 87
Author(s):  
Hasriyanti Hasriyanti

This study aims to 1) know the general picture of social stratification, 2) find out the perceptions of fishermen according to social stratification about children's education. The study population was fishermen totaling 456 families. Sampling was done using purposive sampling method with a sample of 40 families. Data were collected using a Likert scale and analyzed using descriptive statistical analysis. The results showed that the social stratification of fishermen was based on objective criteria, namely the possession of fishing production equipment and the level of income divided into 3 strata namely fishermen who had fishing equipment (boats) and had laborers called fishermen fishermen, fishermen who did not have fishing equipment were called laborers, and fishermen who own boats but are operated on their own are called individual fishermen. Fishermen's perception of children's education has 75 percent having high perceptions, and 25 percent having very high perceptions. Based on the average value obtained that is 113 in the range 91-120, it can be said that fishermen in the village of Aeng Batu-Batu have a relatively high perception of children's education.


Author(s):  
Magdalena Bernat

Marcinowa Wola is a typical locality in Masuria (northern Poland), where a nearly total exchange of citizens took place after WW2. Polish and Ukrainian people coming here after the war had to deal with the sense of strangeness connected with the German presence in the near past. One of the ways of overcoming that impression was appropriation of their surroundings – an act of adapting the cultural landscape to their needs. A very vivid example of this process is the cemetery from the Great War located in Marcinowa Wola. The perception of this place among the local inhabitants changed dramatically over the years. Although it is located in the centre of the village, the cemetery was out of the social life during the first years after the war. As it was not treated as a sacred place any more, it was eroding and overgrowing for years. Everything changed in the 1970s, when the next generation became adolescent. Young people started to use the cemetery as their meeting place and in this way they adapted it to a new, completely different role. However, when the youth grew up, the place was once again forgotten for some time, and only recently did the inhabitants see its value as a cemetery, however, not in sacred but historical terms. It can be assumed that it was assimilated as an element of their own heritage, which means that the process of appropriation has been completed.


Author(s):  
Feruza Rakhmanovna Isakova

The article describes the changes that took place in the social structure of the village of Turkestan at the beginning of the establishment of Soviet power, the dominance in agriculture of still individual small peasant farms. Formation of new social strata - collective farms and state farm workers, associated with new economic sectors of the economy - collective farms and state farms. KEY WORDS: village, farmer, farm, livestock, Turkestan, alienation, population, government, industry, poor, middle peasant, rich, religion, apparatus, individual farmer.


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