Global Shakespeare Criticism Beyond the Nation State

Author(s):  
Alexa Huang

This chapter discusses three methodological concerns about studying global Shakespeare—those touring and intercultural performances often thought to play a geopolitical role in cultural diplomacy. First, the postnational space for global arts is shaped by mutual influence and fluid cultural locations rather than by traditional notions of the nation state. It is therefore no longer useful to consider a production within one national context. Second, global Shakespeare as a field of study reflects the anxiety about cultural particularity and universality. Identifying the dynamics behind the production and reception of global Shakespeare will help us confront archival silences in the record of cultural globalization; what has been redacted, eliminated, or suppressed. Third, global citations of Shakespeare—whether in performances or by politicians—demonstrate a spectral quality. The spectre of global Shakespeare is a product of the politically articulated promise and perils of cultural difference.

2019 ◽  
Vol 58 (3) ◽  
pp. 565-597
Author(s):  
Joel Hebert

AbstractThis article considers the political activism of Canada's Indigenous peoples as a corrective to the prevailing narrative of British decolonization. For several decades, historians have described the end of empire as a series of linear political transitions from colony to nation-state, all ending in the late 1960s. But for many colonized peoples, the path to sovereignty was much less straightforward, especially in contexts where the goal of a discrete nation-state was unattainable. Canada's Indigenous peoples were one such group. In 1980, in the face of separatism in Quebec, Prime Minister Pierre Trudeau pledged to renew the Canadian Confederation by bringing home the constitution, which was still retained by the British Parliament. But many Indigenous leaders feared that this final separation of powers would extinguish their historic bilateral treaties with the British crown, including the Royal Proclamation of 1763 that guaranteed Indigenous sovereignty in a trust relationship with Britain. Indigenous activists thus organized lobbying campaigns at Westminster to oppose Trudeau's act of so-called patriation. This article follows the Constitution Express, a campaign organized by the Union of British Columbia Indian Chiefs in 1981. Maneuvering around the nuances of British political and cultural difference, activists on the Constitution Express articulated and exercised their own vision of decolonization, pursuing continued ties to Britain as their best hope for securing Indigenous sovereignty in a federal Canada.


2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (5) ◽  
pp. 26-38
Author(s):  
E. V. VOLKOV ◽  
◽  
A. V. EMELIANOVA ◽  
A. M. KARYAKIN ◽  
A. V. YUNIKOVA ◽  
...  

The article examines various aspects of the impact of national context, from the point of view of the national security of the nuclear industry, the role of the organizational structure. The interrelation and mutual influence of the national traits of the Russian character on ensuring security – leadership, the ability to learn and develop, and the climate in the team-is revealed.


Author(s):  
Manfred B. Steger

Cultural globalization arises from increased cultural flows across the world. ‘The cultural dimension of globalization’ focuses on the tension between cultural sameness and cultural difference, broadly defining culture as the ideas, customs, and social behaviour of people or society. The globalization of culture is often primarily attributed to international mass media. New technologies such as satellite television and the Internet have created a steady flow of images and messages which have had a strong effect on cultures and communities, profoundly impacting the way people experience their everyday lives. As the world becomes more connected, language diversity is decreasing as more languages become obsolete.


2010 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 59-93 ◽  
Author(s):  
DANIELLE FOSLER-LUSSIER

AbstractFrom January to May 1965 the University of Michigan Jazz Band traveled extensively in Latin America for the State Department's Cultural Presentations Program. This tour serves as a case study through which we can see the far-reaching effects of cultural diplomacy. The State Department initially envisioned its cultural and informational programs as one-way communication that brought ideas from the United States to new places; yet the tours changed not only audiences, but also the musicians themselves and even the communities to which the musicians returned. Both archival and oral history evidence indicate that the Michigan jazz band's tour succeeded in building vital imagined connections across international borders. The nature of these connections demonstrates that the cold war practice of pushing culture across borders for political purposes furthered cultural globalization—even though the latter process is often regarded by scholars as a phenomenon that began only after the end of the cold war. The jazz band's tour highlights the essential role of music and musicians in fostering new transnational sensibilities in the politicized context of the cold war.


Author(s):  
Jan Sverre Knudsen

AbstractThis chapter examines how a politics of cultural diversity was implemented over a 30-year period in a Norwegian school concert program run by Concerts Norway. Departing from a historical overview, the chapter outlines the shifting agendas, values, and visions of diversity that governed this ambitious cultural effort. A central aim is to examine the ideological positions that influenced the program and the political and educational debates surrounding it. The concert program is discussed with respect to cultural diversity and anti-racism, democracy, tradition, hybridity, and the tensions between educational and artwork-based paradigms. Based on theorizations of cultural difference, the chapter shows how promoting music to children has been understood as an important part of shaping societal attitudes and laying the grounds for an anti-oppressive education. Critical issues regarding representation, influence, and power in the staging of music involving immigrant performers are raised. The chapter relates the concert programs to the political frames and ideals of the nation-state by illustrating how international cooperation effectively made the concert programs a part of Norwegian foreign policy. It points out how changing government policies had a profound impact on programs promoting cultural diversity, eventually leading to their termination as a national cultural strategy.


2013 ◽  
Vol 20 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 256-268
Author(s):  
Yue Hu

This study discusses the ability of culture to affect a state’s foreign policies in terms of cultural diplomacy, concentrating on the institutional level. It argues that one way a culture may affect a state’s cultural diplomacy is in making national institutions have features similar to the cultural features. Using China and Canada for comparative analysis, this article tests the theory that a state’s institutions of cultural diplomacy have features paralleling its own culture. This examination demonstrates that China and Canada, two states with different cultures, have different features in their institutions of cultural diplomacy that are consistent with Chinese and Canadian cultures respectively, thus supporting the validity of the theory.


2019 ◽  
Vol 9 (4) ◽  
pp. 605-625
Author(s):  
Edward Wastnidge

The question of identity, not only framed within the context of the nation state, but also in terms of wider transnational identities, be they religious, ethnic or political, remains a key feature in the politics of the Middle East. Drawing on contributions from Foreign Policy Analysis and the concept of strategic narrative, this paper explores how identities beyond state borders are utilised as justification for a state’s foreign policy decisions. The states under investigation are Turkey and Iran. The paper shows how appeals to transnational identities have been used by each state in terms of their longer-term cultural diplomacy and ‘soft power’ initiatives, and then at the more immediate or ‘hard’ sense as seen in their recent, ongoing military engagements. It demonstrates how multiple and overlapping identities articulated at the transnational level serve as a vector in which to pursue strategic foreign policy narratives in each country’s perceived sphere of influence.


2005 ◽  
Vol 54 (1) ◽  
pp. 161-183 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stephen Tierney

Over the past 30 years, sub-state national societies in a number of developed liberal democracies—particularly Quebec, Catalonia, and Scotland within Canada, Spain, and the United Kingdom respectively—have both reasserted their national distinctiveness and demanded recognition of it in constitutional terms.1 This re-emergence of sub-state national sentiment within industrially advanced States, and the struggle for constitutional change which has accompanied it, are considered by many observers to be strangely incongruous at a time of economic and cultural ‘globalization’ where the power of the nation- State itself seems to be waning.2 Why do sub-state nations, the common refrain asks, seek statehood when the very concept of State sovereignty is losing its meaning? This article will argue, however, that the rise of sub-state nationalism even at a time when the resilience of State sovereignty is itself coming into question, is in fact not as paradoxical as it might at first appear, at least insofar as this process is taking place within developed democracies.3 It will be contended that the elaborate constitutional programmes which are now beingadvanced by sub-state nationalist movements for the reform of their respective host States are inmany respects informed by, and reflective of, wider transformations in the patterns of State sovereignty.


Author(s):  
Ayşe Çağlar

AbstractOn the basis of empirical material from a city bordering Syria and Turkey, this article aims to situate the city’s emerging landscape of culture and arts in the 2000s within the dynamics of neoliberalizing city-making. It provides a political economy of the city’s “cultural reach” by connecting the dynamics of cultural production to value creating processes in and through urban regeneration to understand when, how, and which groups and sites become de- and re-valorized. It highlights the futility of nation state-city, state-civil society binaries in analysing the power geometry of multiscalar actors involved in the work, efficacy and the potency of cultural networks, institutions, and “cultural diplomacy.”


2015 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 55-66
Author(s):  
Laine Schultz

The burgeoning human rights discourse of the twentieth century inspired new attention to the location of minority groups within the nation-state and their experiences of violence, discrimination and inequality. The result has been attempts by the nation to address the diversity of its population through the recognition of cultural difference. Attending to two particular rights claims—those of Indigenous self-determination and multiculturalism—we can find a tendency toward subsuming the former within those of the latter. This is a move that results from a top-down approach to the recognition of difference, reproducing colonialist priorities and jurisprudence, and significantly undermining the goals and meanings of Indigenous self-determination. By contrast, when self-determination is approached from the bottom-up, we can gain new perspectives on the meanings of this Indigenous right, expanded to encompass a range of relationships, all crucially built in response to Indigenous identities as First Peoples.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document