scholarly journals The Lister Institute of Preventive Medicine

On a Sunday morning early in 1889, the Lord Mayor of London, Sir James Whitehead, visited Pasteur in his institute in Paris. He went, as he says, as a business man to consult the records of the treatment for rabies that Pasteur had recently developed. He went, I believe, at the suggestion of his friend Ray Lankester who was much concerned at the increase of rabies in this country. He returned determined that some public recognition should be made in Great Britain of Pasteur’s work for humanity and his generosity in treating, free of cost, persons who were bitten by rabid dogs in this country, and that the establishment of a treatment centre for rabies in London should be seriously entertained. He decided to call a meeting at the Mansion House, and a considerable correspondence passed between him and Ray Lankester as to the business which should be transacted. From the very outset Ray Lankester, supported by Sir Henry Roscoe, James Paget and others, was against the establishment in London of a treatment centre for rabies. They and many others had always argued that this disease could be stamped out from these islands by the muzzling of dogs and a proper quarantine for newly imported animals. Pasteur himself had recommended this line of action in the public press. Ray Lankester argued with the Lord Mayor that if a treatment centre was established in London it would only facilitate the evasion of the public duty to stamp out rabies. The possible establishment of a new institute had, however, got abroad and a vigorous press campaign was started, at the instigation of anti-vivisectionists, against this development, on the grounds that it would perpetuate in this country all the cruelty and pain which Pasteur had been accused of inflicting upon animals in Paris for many years past. The opposition was a very real one, for Ray Lankester wrote to the Lord Mayor just before the meeting: ‘It will be necessary to have a good posse of police to guard the entrance, and the stewards must prevent anyone from obtaining admission who has not received an invitation.’ The meeting passed off without incident. The business of the meeting concerned the public expression of thanks to Pasteur, the setting up of a committee to collect funds in order to make a presentation to his institute, and inviting the Government to stamp out rabies by the simultaneous muzzling of all dogs throughout the British Isles and by effective quarantine. Some of the speakers referred, however, to the idea of establishing a new institute. Michael Foster drew the attention of the meeting to the fact that those who pursued a certain branch of science ‘are put upon a criminal footing and are only allowed to pursue their investigations upon ticket of leave’, that ‘it would not do simply to establish in this country a merely mechanical shop, so to speak, for the mere repetition of inoculation. We are only beginning this great subject of inoculation; inquiry must go on, and unless an institute is kept sweet by the salt of investigation, it will become a hindrance.’ He went on: ‘I think that, with our present regulations, the necessary inquiries which belong to this work are better carried out in Paris than in London, and you would do well to give your money to Paris and not keep it for London.’ Ray Lankester thought it was absurd to attempt to start an institute in London by means of private subscriptions. He said: ‘It cannot be done, it is simply out of the question; it has been tried. But I may say I look forward to the time when an institute will be established in London in the only way in which it can be established, that is, under the auspices of the Government.’ In the autumn of 1889 the Mansion House Committee, under the chairmanship of the Lord Mayor, presented £2000 to the Pasteur Institute.

1948 ◽  
Vol 135 (881) ◽  
pp. 405-418
Author(s):  
Alan Nigel Drury

On a Sunday morning early in 1889, the Lord Mayor of London, Sir James Whitehead, visited Pasteur in his institute in Paris. He went, as he says, as a business man to consult the records of the treatment for rabies that Pasteur had recently developed. He went, I believe, at the suggestion of his friend Ray Lankester who was much concerned at the increase of rabies in this country. He returned determined that some public recognition should be made in Great Britain of Pasteur’s work for humanity and his generosity in treating, free of cost, persons who were bitten by rabid dogs in this country, and that the establishment of a treatment centre for rabies in London should be seriously entertained. He decided to call a meeting at the Mansion House, and a considerable correspondence passed between him and Ray Lankester as to the business which should be transacted. From the very outset Ray Lankester, supported by Sir Henry Roscoe, James Paget and others, was against the establishment in London of a treatment centre for rabies. They and many others had always argued that this disease could be stamped out from these islands by the muzzling of dogs and a proper quarantine for newly imported animals. Pasteur himself had recommended this line of action in the public press. Ray Lankester argued with the Lord Mayor that if a treatment centre was established in London it would only facilitate the evasion of the public duty to stamp out rabies. The possible establishment of a new institute had, however, got abroad and a vigorous press campaign was started, at the instigation of anti-vivisectionists, against this development, on the grounds that it would perpetuate in this country all the cruelty and pain which Pasteur had been accused of inflicting upon animals in Paris for many years past. The opposition was a very real one, for Ray Lankester wrote to the Lord Mayor just before the meeting: ‘It will be necessary to have a good posse of police to guard the entrance, and the stewards must prevent anyone from obtaining admission who has not received an invitation.’ The meeting passed off without incident. The business of the meeting concerned the public expression of thanks to Pasteur, the setting up of a com­mittee to collect funds in order to make a presentation to his institute, and inviting the Government to stamp out rabies by the simultaneous muzzling of all dogs throughout the British Isles and by effective quarantine. Some of the speakers referred, however, to the idea of establishing a new institute. Michael Foster drew the attention of the meeting to the fact that those who pursued a certain branch of science ‘are put upon a criminal footing and are only allowed to pursue their investigations upon ticket of leave’, that ‘it would not do simply to establish in this country a merely mechanical shop, so to speak, for the mere repetition of inoculation. We are only beginning this great subject of inoculation; inquiry must go on, and unless an institute is kept sweet by the salt of investigation, it will become a hindrance.’ He went on: ‘I think that, with our present regulations, the necessary inquiries which belong to this work are better carried out in Paris than in London, and you would do well to give your money to Paris and not keep it for London.’ Ray Lankester thought it was absurd to attempt to start an institute in London by means of private subscriptions. He said: ‘It cannot be done, it is simply out of the question; it has been tried. But I may say I look forward to the time when an institute will be established in London in the only way in which it can be established, that is, under the auspices of the Government.’ In the autumn of 1889 the Mansion House Committee, under the chairmanship of the Lord Mayor, presented £2000 to the Pasteur Institute.


2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Rama Halim Nur Azmi

Abstract:President Joko Widodo in 2018 revealed the government's target of making a law by means of the omnibus law to overcome the existence of regulatory obesity and overlapping regulations in Indonesia. One of the sectors the government has targeted for the enactment of the omnibus law is the employment sector. The drafting of the omnibus law bill on labor began in 2019 with the target completed within 100 days. At that time the draft law was called the Draft Cipta Lapangan Kerja Bill. However, in the draft last in February 2020 the draft law was named the Draft Cipta Kerja Bill. According to the Chairperson of the People's Legislative Assembly, Puan Maharani, in the DraftCipta Kerja Bill, which was made in an omnibus law, consisted of 79 laws. In the Draft Cipta Kerja Billnotonly includes the employment sector but also other sectors such as the environment. However, the Cipta Kerja Bill has so far drawn rejection from the public, laborers, activists, academics, and practitioners because it is considered in the drafting of the Cipta Kerja Bill that it has problems both formally and materially, even according to some experts the Cipta Kerja Bill has the potential to violate human rights if authorized. In this paper, we will discuss the existence of the omnibus law as one of the mechanisms for the formation of laws and regulations and how the problems in the Draft Cipta Kerja Bill. The method used in this research is a normative juridical method with the statutory and comparative approach. The results of this study are an analysis of the existence of the omnibus law as one of the mechanisms for the formation of legislation and the existence of a picture and a critical attitude towards the issue of the Cipta Kerja Bill. So that through this paper, it can be seen whether the drafting of the Cipta Kerja Bill is intended for the interests of the people or only for the sake of investment which will certainly sacrifice human rights and harm national interests.   Keywords: omnibus law, Draft CiptaKerja Bill, employment, human rights.   Abstrak:Presiden Joko Widodo pada tahun 2018 mengungkapkan target pemerintah yakni membuat suatu undang-undang dengan cara omnibus law untuk mengatasi adanya obesitas regulasi dan tumpang tindihnya regulasi di Indonesia. Salah satu sektor yang menjadi target pemerintah untuk dibuatkan undang-undang omnibus law adalah sektor ketenagakerjaan. Penyusunan rancangan undang-undang omnibus law tentang ketenagakerjaan dimulai sejak tahun 2019 dengan target selesai dalam waktu 100 hari. Saat itu rancangan undang-undang tersebut dinamakan Rancangan Undang-Undang Cipta Lapangan Kerja. Namun, dalam draft terakhir pada Februari 2020 rancangan undang-undang tersebut bernama Rancangan Undang-Undang Cipta Kerja (RUU Cipta Kerja). Menurut Ketua Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat Puan Maharani dalam RUU Cipta Kerja yang dibuat secara omnibus law tersebut terdiri dari 79 undang-undang. Dalam RUU Cipta Kerja tersebut tidak hanya memuat tentang sektor ketenagakerjaan saja tetapi juga sektor-sektor lainnya seperti lingkungan hidup. Tetapi, RUU Cipta Kerja tersebut hingga saat ini menuai penolakan baik dari masyarakat, buruh, aktivis, akademisi, dan praktisi karena dinilai dalam penyusunan RUU Cipta Kerja tersebut memiliki masalah baik secara formil maupun materiil bahkan menurut sebagian ahli RUU Cipta Kerja berpotensi melanggar hak asasi manusia apabila disahkan. Dalam tulisan ini akan dibahas mengenai bagaimana keberadaan omnibus law sebagai salah satu mekanisme pembentukan peraturan perundang-undangan dan bagaimana permasalahan dalam RUU Cipta Kerja. Metode yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah metode yuridis normatif dengan pendekatan peraturan perundang-undangan dan pendekatan perbandingan. Adapun hasil dari penelitian ini adalah adanya analisis terhadap keberadaan omnibus law sebagai salah satu mekanisme pembentukan peraturan perundang-undangan dan adanya suatu gambaran dan sikap kritis terhadap permasalahan RUU Cipta Kerja. Sehingga melalui tulisan ini dapat terlihat apakah penyusunan RUU Cipta Kerja memang diperuntukkan kepentingan rakyat atau hanya demi kepentingan investasi semata yang tentunya akan mengorbankan hak asasi manusia dan merugikan kepentingan nasional.   Kata Kunci:omnibus law, RUU Cipta Kerja, ketenagakerjaan, hak asasi manusia.  


2011 ◽  
pp. 163-299
Author(s):  
Alvaro Delgado Guzmán

Este texto sintetiza la indagación del autor en torno a la desaparición de empresas manufactureras colombianas y a algunos esfuerzos de rescate de las mismas, realizados por sus trabajadores, cuando los primeros efectos de la globalización empezaron a sentirse en muchos medios. Se trata de un intento en cierta manera pionero en Colombia, tal vez por lo mismo que el fenómeno paso notoriamente inadvertido por la opinión pública, debido tanto al amparo gubernamental de que gozaron los empresarios para eludir las leyes laborales y deshacerse fácilmente de los trabajadores “sobrantes”, como a la débil resistencia y a veces indiferencia que el atropello despertó en las directivas sindicales. La desaparición de empresas simbólicas de la vida social colombiana, grandes y medianas, ha borrado rápidamente de la memoria nacional el aporte que empresarios criollos y trabajadores hicieron a la técnica, la calidad y la presentación de la producción nacional atesoradas en un siglo de historia de la manufactura. Death and Recovery of Colombian Companies This article synthesizes the author’s inquiry about the disappearance of Colombian manufacturing forms, and some rescue efforts made by their workers when the first effects of globalization began to be felt in our midst. In some way, this is a pioneering attempt in Colombia, since the phenomenon became well unnoticed by the public, because both, the employers had the government support to circumvent labor laws and to drive out easily the workers “surplus”, as well as the feeble resistence and sometimes indifference of union leaders. The disappearance of symbolic firms in Colombian social life, large and medium, quickly erased the memory of the contribution that national employers and workers made in techniques, quality and presentation of national productions treasured along a century of manufacturing history. Keywords: Globalization, Industrial Crisis, Recovery Companies, Unionism.


Author(s):  
Richard M Crowe

Abstract Welsh has official status in Wales, where it is spoken by approximately 20 % of the population. All adult speakers of Welsh are also able to speak English. The National Assembly for Wales and the Welsh Ministers legislate in both Welsh and English. The Government of Wales Act 2006 provides that the English and Welsh texts of any Act of the Assembly or any subordinate legislation enacted or made in both English and Welsh are to be treated, for all purposes, as being of equal standing. This paper examines the role legislating bilingually plays in confirming the official status of the Welsh language; how the bilingual texts are produced by a process of collaborative translation within an administration where English is the dominant working language; how they are scrutinised by a legislature where legislators are free to use either or both languages, but where, in practice, English dominates; and how they are promulgated in both languages in the form in which they are enacted or made, but only routinely updated in English. It further considers what the principle of ‘equal standing’ may mean and how effect may be given to it; how these bilingual texts may be interpreted by the public and the legal profession, domains in which English dominates; and what implications the production, scrutiny, promulgation and interpretation of bilingual legislation have for the accessibility of the law in Wales.


2017 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 117
Author(s):  
Yogi Suprayogi Sugandi

Joko Widodo (Jokowi) is a leader that is widely expected to transform Indonesia into a better country. Hopes and wishes were rising when he was elected as the president of Indonesia. This paper will describe various innovations undertaken before and after his presidential inauguration as well as the assorted innovations made in reforming the administration of his cabinet. As the president of Indonesia, Joko Widodo is required to realize the aspirations of the people in freeing the government from corruption, collusion, and nepotism. The management of ministerial and non-ministerial institutions becomes the very first crucial issue undertaken by Joko Widodo. This led to a polemic in regards to reducing or increasing the number of institutions, as the Jokowi administration actually increased the amount. In Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's administration, several policies were made systematically and based on legislations that had been approved by the lagislature. Joko Widodo's administration in more partial in nature. The administrative reform program that is highly anticipated is the continuation of the Public Service Act. This law is a step forward from the administrative reform program that aims at the creation of good governance. Changes is career path, salary system, pension and benefits for civil servants, performance-based staffing are various efforts of sustainability carried out by Joko Widodo's administration.


Author(s):  
Aleksandar Martinovic

The acts deciding on selection, appointment, nomination or deprivation have a unique legal character, regardless of which subject appears in the capacity of the enactor of the respective act - the Government, President of the Republic, National Assembly, ministry or the appropriate non-governmental subject. From the viewpoint of the coherence of the legal system coherence and of the citizens? or artificial persons? legal security, it is not good to treat these acts differently in situations which are in essence identical. We consider that it is a question of acts which differ from administrative acts, for a basic reason: they are passed in matters which are not administrative ones. Therefore, the distinction between matters in which decisions are made in regard to appointment, nomination or deprivation and matters of administration, regulated in Art. 43, Par. 2 of the Government Act, should be equally implemented by competent judicial instances, or by other appropriate authorities in the Republic of Serbia.


2019 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 86-91
Author(s):  
Rostamaji Korniawan

This research is intended to examine how far the communication plan of the government issued tax policies for e-commerce business actors. To study it, this study uses media discourse analysis methods, especially online media, to report on the government's plan to impose e-commerce taxes. Observations were made in the period 2017 to mid-2018. From the results of observations made, the results of the study found that the government and the public were ready and supported the issuance of e-commerce tax policy. Online media which are the object of observation in research see the substance of the discourse of the news delivered in an informative and supportive manner, especially online media which also has an operational network for publishing print media. Thus it can be concluded that the communication of the government's plan regarding the implementation of e-commerce taxation whose initiation began in 2016 seems to have been done well.


Responsive ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (4) ◽  
pp. 179
Author(s):  
Rochmat Bahtiar ◽  
Mohammad Benny Alexandri ◽  
Candradewini Candradewini

Penelitian ini dilakukan untuk mengetahui bagaimana Pemerintah Kabupaten Bandung Barat menerapkan kebijakan Keterbukaan Informasi Publik melalui mekanisme difusi kebijakan. Empat mekanisme utama difusi kebijakan yaitu, pembelajaran, persaingan, peniruan dan pemaksaan yang telah dilakukan oleh Pemerintah Kabupaten Bandung Barat akan dipaparkan melalui metode penelitian kualitatif deskriptif. Dengan begitu dapat secara eksplisit dapat terlihat berbagai upaya yang dilakukan dalam menentukan pilihan kebijakan yang dipengaruhi oleh penerapan kebijakan serupa yang dilakukan oleh Pemerintah Daerah lain.  The study was conducted to see how the Government of Bandung Barat District implemented the Public Information Disclosure policy through policy diffusion mechanism. The four main mechanism of policy diffusion, namely, learning, competition, imitation and coercion that have been carried out by the Government of Bandung Barat District will be presented through descriptive qualitative research methods. In this way, it can be seen explicitly from the various policies made in determining policy choices that can be based on policies taken by other local governments. 


2016 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 42 ◽  
Author(s):  
Natalia Kirchner de Azevedo ◽  
Mauricio Vasconcellos Leao Lyrio ◽  
Rogerio Joao Lunkes ◽  
Luiz Alberton

<p>The internet contributes for the reduction of information asymmetries between the government and the society through the transparency, because provides an environment of analysis and reflection through the information publicized by the public managers. At any level of the Public Administration, the management must be efficient and transparent, so, the general objective of this research is to verify the level of transparency of websites of the federal universities in the South of Brazil in the year of 2014 based on what the Brazilian legislation determines. Through adaptation and application of the model proposed by Nunes (2013) for measurement of the level of transparency based on the Brazilian legislation, this work seeks to providing contribution to the researches about transparency in the public sector. In the evaluation the information content, usability of the websites and data availability were considered, distributed in a set of 25 descriptors based on the Brazilian legislation. Based on the analysis made, it has been possible to find out that the group of universities analyzed showed good transparency practices. Globally three universities showed excellent transparency level; yet most universities have improvements to be made in their websites. Federal University of Santa Catarina stood out for reaching the highest transparency level among federal universities in the south. To enable the construction of a transparency map, for future works is recommended the use of the model in universities from other regions of the country.</p>


1999 ◽  
Vol 32 (4) ◽  
pp. 635-664 ◽  
Author(s):  
Donald J. Savoie

AbstractThe article challenges long-established conventions about how Canada's federal government works. It argues that Cabinet has joined Parliament as an institution being bypassed. In the late 1990s, political power is in the hands of the prime minister and a small group of carefully selected courtiers rather than with the prime minister acting in concert with his elected cabinet colleagues. The article reviews the forces that have led to the rise of court government and the policy instruments and administrative tools that enable it to function. National unity concerns, the role of the media and lobbyists, as well as reforms at the centre of government and globalization, have all served to reshape how policy and decisions are made in the government of Canada. The changes hold important implications, not just for cabinet government, but also for the public service and Canadians themselves.


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