scholarly journals Population policies, programmes and the environment

2009 ◽  
Vol 364 (1532) ◽  
pp. 3049-3065 ◽  
Author(s):  
J. Joseph Speidel ◽  
Deborah C. Weiss ◽  
Sally A. Ethelston ◽  
Sarah M. Gilbert

Human consumption is depleting the Earth's natural resources and impairing the capacity of life-supporting ecosystems. Humans have changed ecosystems more rapidly and extensively over the past 50 years than during any other period, primarily to meet increasing demands for food, fresh water, timber, fibre and fuel. Such consumption, together with world population increasing from 2.6 billion in 1950 to 6.8 billion in 2009, are major contributors to environmental damage. Strengthening family-planning services is crucial to slowing population growth, now 78 million annually, and limiting population size to 9.2 billion by 2050. Otherwise, birth rates could remain unchanged, and world population would grow to 11 billion. Of particular concern are the 80 million annual pregnancies (38% of all pregnancies) that are unintended. More than 200 million women in developing countries prefer to delay their pregnancy, or stop bearing children altogether, but rely on traditional, less-effective methods of contraception or use no method because they lack access or face other barriers to using contraception. Family-planning programmes have a successful track record of reducing unintended pregnancies, thereby slowing population growth. An estimated $15 billion per year is needed for family-planning programmes in developing countries and donors should provide at least $5 billion of the total, however, current donor assistance is less than a quarter of this funding target.

Ultimately, the necessity to supply food, energy, habitat, infrastructure, and consumer goods for the ever-growing population is responsible for the demise of the environment. Remedial actions for pollution abatement, and further technological progress toward energy efficiency, development of new crops, and improvements in manufacturing processes may help to mitigate the severity of environmental deterioration. However, we can hardly hope for restoration of a clean environment, improvement in human health, and an end to poverty without arresting the continuous growth of the world population. According to the United Nations count, world population reached 6 billion in mid October 1999 (1). The rate of population growth and the fertility rates by continent, as well as in the United States and Canada, are presented in Table 14.1. It can be seen that the fastest population growth occurs in the poorest countries of the world. Despite the worldwide decrease in fertility rates between 1975–80 period and that of 1995–2000, the rate of population growth in most developing countries changed only slightly due to the demographic momentum, which means that because of the high fertility rates in the previous decades, the number of women of childbearing age had increased. Historically, the preference for large families in the developing nations was in part a result of either cultural or religious traditions. In some cases there were practical motivations, as children provided helping hands with farm chores and a security in old age. At present the situation is changing. A great majority of governments of the developing countries have recognized that no improvement of the living standard of their citizens will ever be possible without slowing the explosive population growth. By 1985, a total of 70 developing nations had either established national family planning programs, or provided support for such programs conducted by nongovernmental agencies; now only four of the world’s 170 countries limit access to family planning services. As result, 95% of the developing world population lives in countries supporting family planning. Consequently, the percentage of married couples using contraceptives increased from less than 10% in 1960 to 57% in 1997.


1973 ◽  
Vol 3 (4) ◽  
pp. 779-790
Author(s):  
Melvyn C. Thorne ◽  
Joel Montague

The 22 countries stretching from Morocco, at the northwestern tip of Africa, to Afghanistan, on the rim of Asia, present a spectrum of positions on population ranging from governmental policy to increase population growth rates, to no explicit policy, to explicit policy to reduce them. High population growth rates throughout the area have evoked various interpretations and responses from these largely Islamic nations, which have been grouped for presentation into five arbitrary categories. There are some family planning services available in practically all the states, although laws vary from frank interdiction of contraception to governmental national family planning programs. There has been remarkable movement toward articulated national population policies in the past decade. This is likely to increase in the future despite problems due to intranational heterogeneity, the Arab-Israeli hostility, certain values of Islamic culture and theology, and the present paucity of demographic and developmental data.


Author(s):  
Weshah A. Razzak ◽  
Belkacem Laabas ◽  
El Mostafa Bentour

We calibrate a semi-endogenous growth model to study the transitional dynamic and the properties of balanced growth paths of technological progress. In the model, long-run growth arises from global discoveries of new ideas, which depend on population growth. The transitional dynamic consists of the growth rates of capital intensity, labor, educational attainment (human capital), and research and ideas in excess of world population growth. Most of the growth in technical progress in a large number of developed and developing countries is accounted for by transitional dynamics.


2019 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Bettina Böttcher ◽  
Mysoon Abu-El-Noor ◽  
Nasser Abu-El-Noor

Abstract Background Reliable contraception enables women and men to plan their family sizes and avoid unintended pregnancies, which can cause distress and anxiety, but also increase maternal mortality. This study explored potential barriers to contraceptive use for women in the Gaza Strip, Palestine from user and provider perspectives. Methods A convenient sample was used to recruit women, who were current contraception users, from three healthcare clinics that provide family planning care, two governmental and one non-governmental. A 16-item questionnaire was completed by 204 women, including socio-demographic data, contraceptive use and eight questions exploring user experience. Additionally, 51 women attended focus groups for a deeper insight into their contraceptive use experience and potential barriers. Furthermore, 14 healthcare providers were interviewed about their experience with service provision. Quantitative data are presented as means and frequencies and qualitative data were analysed item by item and are presented in themes jointly with the quantitative data. Results Women reported usage of only three main modern methods of contraception with 35.2% using intrauterine devices, 25.8% combined oral contraception and 16.4% condoms, while only 3.1% used the hormonal implant. Expectations from family planning services were low with most women attending the clinic having already decided their contraceptive method with decisions being made by husbands (41.2%) or women jointly with their partner (33.3%), only 13.7% took advice from service providers. Healthcare providers experienced high prevalence of beliefs that modern contraceptives cause infertility and cancer. Main barriers to effective family planning services were misconceptions of potential harm, poor availability and limited choice of contraceptive methods. Conclusion Women’s contraceptive choices in Gaza are limited by prevalent misconceptions and fears as well as recurring shortages, negatively impacting fertility control. Men are a major factor in choosing a contraceptive method, however, they have limited access to information and therefore, potentially more misconceptions. Therefore, male community members need to be included in the delivery of information on contraceptives to increase women’s choice. Furthermore, greater access to long-acting reversible contraceptives, such as the hormonal implant, and improved availability might be key factors in improving contraceptive uptake in Gaza and, thus, reducing unintended pregnancies.


1997 ◽  
Vol 29 (2) ◽  
pp. 219-233 ◽  
Author(s):  
M. BARBERIS ◽  
P. D. HARVEY

The cost effectiveness of several modes of family planning service delivery based on the cost per couple-year of protection (CYP), including commodity costs, is assessed for 1991–92 using programme and project data from fourteen developing countries (five in Africa, four in Asia, three in Latin America and two in the Middle East). More than 100 million CYP were provided through these family planning services during the 12 months studied. Sterilisation services provided both the highest volume (over 60% of total) and the lowest cost per CYP ($1.85). Social marketing programmes (CSM), delivering almost 9 million CYPs, had the next lowest cost per CYP on average ($2.14). Clinic-based services excluding sterilisation had an average cost of $6.10. The highest costs were for community-based distribution projects (0·7 million CYPs), which averaged $9.93, and clinic-based services with a community-based distribution component (almost 6 million CYPs), at a cost of $14.00 per CYP. Based on a weighted average, costs were lowest in the Middle East ($3.37 per CYP for all modes of delivery combined) and highest in Africa ($11.20).


2011 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 75-97 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marc Frey

AbstractThis article focuses on the connection between the ideology of neo-Malthusianism and development theory and practice from the mid 1940s to the present. First identified by a few demographic experts, population policies and family planning gradually turned into a global movement for the control of world population. From the beginning, population discourses and policies were intertwined with strategies of socioeconomic development. They were also a reflection of strategic concerns and deliberations about the role of the West in the Cold War and vis-à-vis the emerging Global South. Focusing on the collective impact of individual choices, population controllers assumed that top-down approaches could swiftly change reproductive behaviour. They gave priority to preventing births over health, education, and female empowerment. Family planning began to shift its emphasis from the collective to the individual only in response to outright coercive actions and with the emergence of new actors, most notably feminists, from the late 1970s on.


Author(s):  
Prerana Nagabhushana ◽  
Avir Sarkar

As we observe the World Population Day on 11th July, the current population stands at roughly 7.9 billion in 2021, with India bagging the second place at 1.39 billion. The net growth rate stands at 1.1% or 83 million per year and the projected world population by 2050 is estimated to be 9.7 billion. These figures are alarming to us-the millennials, who grew up writing ominous essays on ‘population explosion’ at school. Governments across the world, historically Romania to more recently China, have adopted population policies to control the rate of population growth to cater to their advantage-either economically or politically. Some of them directly against reproductive rights- to decide freely and responsibly the number, spacing and timing of their children and to be able to do so without discrimination, coercion and violence.


2020 ◽  
Vol 3 ◽  
pp. 12 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nyamai Mutono ◽  
James Wright ◽  
Henry Mutembei ◽  
Josphat Muema ◽  
Mair Thomas ◽  
...  

Introduction: Currently, an estimated two thirds of the world population is water insufficient. As of 2015, one out of every five people in developing countries do not have access to clean sufficient drinking water. In an attempt to share the limited resource, water has been distributed at irregular intervals in cities in developing countries. Residents in these cities seek alternative water sources to supplement the inadequate water supplied. Some of these alternative sources of water are unsafe for human consumption, leading to an increased risk in water-borne diseases. Africa contributes to 53% of the diarrheal cases reported globally, with contaminated drinking water being the main source of transmission. Water-borne diseases like diarrhea, cholera, typhoid, amoebiasis, dysentery, gastroenteritis, cryptosporidium, cyclosporiasis, giardiasis, guinea worm and rotavirus are a major public health concern. The main objective of this scoping review is to map the available evidence to understand the sources of water among residents in cities in Africa and the relationship between clean water sufficiency and water-borne diseases in urban Africa. Methods and analysis: The search strategy will identify studies published in scientific journals and reports that are directly relevant to African cities that have a population of more than half a million residents as of 2014 AND studies on the ten emerging water-borne diseases, which are diarrhea, cholera, typhoid, amoebiasis, dysentery, gastroenteritis, cryptosporidium, cyclosporiasis, giardiasis, guinea worm and rotavirus. Ethics and dissemination: This scoping review did not require any formal ethical approval. The findings will be published in a peer-reviewed journal.


Author(s):  
Emily Klancher Merchant

Chapter 6 documents the fragmentation of what had previously been a consensus regarding global population growth at the end of the 1960s and beginning of the 1970s, resulting in the emergence of two separate factions. The population establishment continued to promote the position of the erstwhile consensus, which held that rapid population growth in developing countries was a barrier to economic development and could be adequately slowed through voluntary family planning programs. The population bombers contended that population growth anywhere in the world posed an immediate existential threat to the natural environment and American national security and needed to be halted through population control measures that demographers had previously rejected as coercive. These two positions went head-to-head at the UN World Population Conference in 1974, where both were rejected by leaders of developing countries.


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