scholarly journals Eight Democratic Parties in China

2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 39
Author(s):  
Huang Xiaoyi

China has eight democratic parties which established cooperative relations with the CPC. All the democratic parties earnestly performed the functions of participating in and deliberating on state affairs and exercising democratic supervision in China’s political life. Their participation in state affairs under the leadership of the CPC is a major indication of people's democracy. They are of great importance to enhance and develop the multi-party cooperation and political consultation system under the leadership of the CPC. This paper introduces the establishing time, the mainly component members, the founding background, the history evolution and the outstanding contributions of China’s eight democratic parties.

2003 ◽  
Vol 55 (2) ◽  
pp. 259-289 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kimberly J. Morgan

Contemporary theories and typologies of welfare states in Western Europe assume that social democratic parties are the engine behind progressive policies on gender roles and on the participation of women in the labor force. The French case challenges these assumptions—this conservative welfare state, surprisingly, provides an extensive system of public day care along with other forms of support that facilitate mothers' employment. This article explains the existence of the French system through a comparative historical analysis of child care policy in France and other European welfare states. The mainfindingsconcern the role of organized religion in shaping contemporary public day care policies. In contrast to most conservative welfare regimes, the French welfare state has been shaped not by clericalism and Christian democracy but by secularism and republican nationalism—forces that influenced some of the earliest public policies for the education of young children in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries and that later affected the founding of the contemporary day care system in the 1970s. In that latter period of propitious economic circumstances, pragmatic policy elites eschewed moralizing critiques of mothers' employment and established a system of financing that has enabled the long-term expansion of public day care. These findings have implications for our understanding of gender politics and welfare regimes in Western Europe. The secularization of political life—not social democratic power—best explains why public policies in France and in many Scandinavian countries have promoted the demise of the traditional family model.


2021 ◽  
Vol 65 (12) ◽  
pp. 141-151
Author(s):  
K. Gadzhiev

The article attempts to analyze some factors that, in the author’s opinion, may more or less significantly affect the fate and prospects of D. Trump and his legacy – a set of ideas, program guidelines, forms, methods, means of restructuring the socio-political life and the power system of the United States, which became known under the collective name “Trumpism”. The main attention is focused on substantiating the thesis that the victory of D. Trump, who in the context of the political realities of the United States could be regarded as an outsider, in the presidential elections in November 2016, was not a historical accident, but a natural result of deep shifts in infrastructures of the American society. After analyzing the objective and subjective factors of the struggle for power and the right to choose the paths and prospects of the socio-historical development of the United States between Trumpism and the political platform of J. Biden, the leader of the Democrats, it was concluded that all possible attempts to neutralize and push the Trump legacy to the periphery of social and political life appear to be insolvent. The author sees the essence of the problem in the fact that in the presidential elections of both 2016 and 2020 it was a question of voting for/against not just specific candidates from the Republican and Democratic Parties, but under conditions of a deep crisis, in support of or against the program of social and political development of the country. In the 2020 elections, D. Trump and J. Biden were viewed by the majority of voters as symbols of defenders and opponents of the dominant political, intellectual, media establishment, as well as the so-called “Washington swamp” and a “deep state”. Since the factors that prompted 74 million Americans to vote for Trump have not disappeared, the Democrats led by J. Biden will have to rule America with these realities in mind.


1970 ◽  
pp. 53-57
Author(s):  
Azza Charara Baydoun

Women today are considered to be outside the political and administrative power structures and their participation in the decision-making process is non-existent. As far as their participation in the political life is concerned they are still on the margins. The existence of patriarchal society in Lebanon as well as the absence of governmental policies and procedures that aim at helping women and enhancing their political participation has made it very difficult for women to be accepted as leaders and to be granted votes in elections (UNIFEM, 2002).This above quote is taken from a report that was prepared to assess the progress made regarding the status of Lebanese women both on the social and governmental levels in light of the Beijing Platform for Action – the name given to the provisions of the Fourth Conference on Women held in Beijing in 1995. The above quote describes the slow progress achieved by Lebanese women in view of the ambitious goal that requires that the proportion of women occupying administrative or political positions in Lebanon should reach 30 percent of thetotal by the year 2005!


2012 ◽  
pp. 101-117 ◽  
Author(s):  
P. Orekhovsky

In the paper the nature of Russian corruption is considered along the lines proposed by D. North, J. Wallis, and B. Weingast. The author considers patron-client networks as basic political and economic actors of the limited access order. The redistributive rent allocated within patron-client networks is not a corruption phenomenon. The main factor that is able to destroy patron-client networks and autonomous centers of power is the right to contestation (liberalization) according to R. Dahl. Realization of that right together with the right to participate in political life enables transition to the open access society.


Author(s):  
Claudia Leeb

Through a critical appropriation of Hannah Arendt, and a more sympathetic engagement with Theodor W. Adorno and psychoanalysis, this book develops a new theoretical approach to understanding Austrians’ repression of their collaboration with National Socialist Germany. Drawing on original, extensive archival research, from court documents on Nazi perpetrators to public controversies on theater plays and museums, the book exposes the defensive mechanisms Austrians have used to repress individual and collective political guilt, which led to their failure to work through their past. It exposes the damaging psychological and political consequences such failure has had and continues to have for Austrian democracy today—such as the continuing electoral growth of the right-wing populist Freedom Party in Austria, which highlights the timeliness of the book. However, the theoretical concepts and practical suggestions the book introduces to counteract the repression of individual and collective political guilt are relevant beyond the Austrian context. It shows us that only when individuals and nations live up to guilt are they in a position to take responsibility for past crimes, show solidarity with the victims of crimes, and prevent the emergence of new crimes. Combining theoretical insights with historical analysis, The Politics of Repressed Guilt is an important addition to critical scholarship that explores the pathological implications of guilt repression for democratic political life.


2003 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 33-50
Author(s):  
Göran Gunner

Authors from the Christian Right in the USA situate the September 11 attack on New York and Washington within God's intentions to bring America into the divine schedule for the end of the world. This is true of Pat Robertson and Jerry Falwell, and other leading figures in the ‘Christian Coalition’. This article analyses how Christian fundamentalists assess the roles of the USA, the State of Israel, Islam, Iraq, the European Union and Russia within what they perceive to be the divine plan for the future of the world, especially against the background of ‘9/11’. It argues that the ideas of the Christian Right and of President George W. Bush coalesce to a high degree. Whereas before 9/11 many American mega-church preachers had aspirations to direct political life, after the events of that day the President assumes some of the roles of a mega-religious leader.


2018 ◽  
Vol 38 (1) ◽  
pp. 73-87 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bruce Lenman

This article begins with the idea that there was a vigorous political life in Scotland in the first half of the eighteenth century which could focus on issues other than Jacobitism or government patronage. The article focuses on the non-dynastic issues in Scottish politics that predated the Union and which carried on into the Westminster parliament to the accompaniment of considerable activism in Scotland, and a distinctive contribution from Scottish members of both houses of the legislature. The example here examined is the burning issue of securing commercial access to the forbidden lands of Spanish America. Studying it reveals very clearly that ‘The theme of Scotland's partial integration into the British state’ and the way in which it ‘was never wholly successful’, goes back to the very start of the eighteenth century.


2014 ◽  
Vol 23 (4) ◽  
pp. 419-444
Author(s):  
Josephine Casserly

This article explores the voice of black minority ethnic (BME) women in devolved Scotland. Particular attention is given to examining multicultural policies and devolved political processes and how these impact on the position of BME women in the political life of Scotland. The study is based on secondary analysis of existing survey and focus group data, and primary data drawn from qualitative interviews conducted with a sample of respondents from political and non-governmental organisations. Drawing on feminist theories of multiculturalism, culture is perceived as dynamic and contested and the research depicts BME women as agents engaged in shaping Scotland and their own cultures. The findings show that devolution has created a political opportunity structure more favourable to the voices of BME women. However, this voice remains quiet and is limited by barriers within and outside of BME communities. The research also highlights the role of third sector organisations in enabling the voice of BME women. The author concludes by arguing that successive devolved governments’ promotion of multiculturalism in Scotland has benefited BME women but with important limitations.


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