Paul Chu, Anthony Leggett and Warren Pickett in Iran

2014 ◽  
Vol 03 (02) ◽  
pp. 16-16
Author(s):  
APPN Editorial Team

In 2013, the Islamic Republic of Iran, for the first time since its government replaced the Shah's government after the Iranian Revolution in 1979, came to the forefront of the international community to negotiate a deal- a deal that would limit its nuclear weapon stockpiles which it has kept hidden from the world even in the face of political isolation.

Author(s):  
Farzaneh Hemmasi

Born in 1950, Googoosh began her career as a child actor on stage, television and film; by her twenties, she was the country’s primary female interpreter of musiqi-yi pap (Western-influenced “pop music”). Following the Iranian revolution and the establishment of the Islamic Republic of Iran in 1980, Googoosh’s fame became a liability. The revolutionary project involved purifying Iran of its “colonized” culture; moral corruption and unveiled “lust-inciting” women. Then, in 2000 Googoosh left Iran to restart her career in exile, landing first in Toronto and then settling in Los Angeles. She embarked on a new phase of her career singing her prerevolutionary romantic repertoire but also with a declaration of her intention to “give voice” to herself, to Iran and Iranians around the world. This chapter argues that the metaphorical “voicing” Googoosh performed on behalf of “those inside Iran” was an extension of an already-established pattern in which she blurred the line between celebrity as exceptional individual and celebrity as medium for collective expression.


Author(s):  
Marina Kameneva ◽  
Elena Paymakova

The article notes that the theme of culture and cultural policy for modern Iran is not a marginal issue. Culture is seen by the country’s leadership as an important component of its state political and ideological doctrine. There is analyzed the role of the Islamic factor and cultural heritage in the cultural policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran over four decades of its existence. Particular attention is paid to the role of the theory of the dialogue of civilizations proposed by M. Khatami as well as to the changing attitude towards it in the public consciousness of Iranian society. It is emphasized that the theme of “Iran and the West” is becoming particularly acute in the country today, contributing to its politicization. An attempt is being made to show that Iranian culture is increasingly becoming an important factor in the foreign policy activities of the leadership of the Islamic Republic of Iran, contributing to the strengthening of the country’s position in the world arena as a whole and the country’s leading role in the region, the realization of the idea of exporting the Islamic Revolution and implementing Iranian cultural expansion outside the country.


2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Hamid Sarmadi

US foreign policy during the Obama administration, especially in the second term, has focused to resolve its international crises in the Middle East and tried to resolve the Iranian nuclear issue. In the current article, different approaches are brought forth in the field of discerning deterrence mechanisms that are feasible against asymmetric hazards. In the following, the attempts has been made to answer the question of how deterrence can be utilized as a mechanism to face asymmetric threats, and what role can Iran's nuclear program play in deterring countries in power in this process?. Hence, from the analysis of the mentioned model, we will present the main and major assumptions of the current article under four headings: deterrent measures, coercive measures, anti-deployment measures and counter-offensive measures. The tensions between Iran and the West are not the product of Iran's nuclear program, but are based on the religious ideology of the Iranian government and Israel's presence in the region, although the role of some Arab countries, especially Saudi Arabia, should not be disregarded. The hypothesis under consideration is that US foreign policy in the Iranian nuclear case has been directed towards the interaction of national interests by following the rational, organizational and bureaucratic model of decision-making models. The result of the research is that think tanks are very determining in leading the US government to the White House foreign policy decision-maker towards Iran, so that diplomacy actors cannot escape it. And public opinion seeks to make Iran's nuclear energy dangerous and to prevent Iran from obtaining a nuclear weapon as a serious threat to humanity. Though, the Islamic Republic of Iran, with its power to obtain nuclear weapons, does not intend to build a nuclear bomb, nor does it intend to make the world insecure. The power of reaching to a nuclear weapon can play a key and major role for Iran as a deterrent, and Iran intends to use nuclear energy not to build a bomb but to make it peaceful.


2009 ◽  
Vol 37 (2) ◽  
pp. 242-255
Author(s):  
Nasser Bahonar

AbstractThe presenting of religion has been indebted to traditional media for centuries. The presence of mass media, especially Radio and Television, in the twentieth century makes it possible to transfer messages to large groups of addressees. This important situation has caused groups and official religious organizations, from eighty years ago, to take great measures in this respect by using electronic media. During the pre-history of Islam and afterward, Iran has always been challenged with crises of the legitimating of communication. The penetration of the Islamic belief among people is caused by traditional Islamic communication, and the legitimacy of Islamic leaders also assigns a legitimacy for the modern media. Whereas governments in the history of Iran have never had a religious and politic legitimacy among people so the communications system of Iran has been abandoned from media convergence. The Islamic Republic of Iran is experiencing a convergence in traditional and modern communications for the first time. Lack of scientific research and a shortage of religious literature in broadcasting make for continual disorder in the process of policy-making for the planning of the religious medium. In this article the writer benefits from the result of two researches conducted in Iran, in the field of religious media, and analyses the content of religious programmes of television followed by the presentation of a theoretic view in making for a desired religious media policy in the Islamic Republic of Iran.


2019 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 209-222
Author(s):  
Ali AbolAli Aghdaci

The foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the administration of Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, due to its importance and its not so in significant achievements, from the structuralist point of view, created a different identity and role in international relations and a special approach in relation to foreign and international systems. The author’s main question is that what impact has the foreign policy of Mahmoud Ahmadinejad had in the international community? It seems that the role of domestic norms that came from the international community was damaged by internal policies due to Mahmoud Ahmadinejad’s policies, which, from the structuralist point of view, had a profound effect on the declining of Iranian foreign policy during the Ahmadinejad era in the international system. Direct conflict with the global system, presenting incorrect policies of foreign policy of the Islamic Republic, the lack accepting common understanding minds of the international community, non-convergence in foreign policy, the adoption of irrational foreign policy, are all important factors that could undermine the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the public opinion of the international community.


2019 ◽  
Vol 118 (812) ◽  
pp. 343-348
Author(s):  
Behrooz Ghamari-Tabrizi

Today it is hard to imagine the connection between the world that revolutionary impulse envisioned and the actuality it generated in the Islamic Republic.


Author(s):  
Hojjat Rahmani ◽  
Mohammad Arab ◽  
Jalal Saeedpour ◽  
Ghasem Rajabi Vasokolaei ◽  
Hiwa Mirzaii

The importance of maintaining and restoring health has always made human beings seek health care. Lack of proper access to health care, price and quality differences, as well as other factors among different countries have led to the formation of a long-standing industry called health tourism. Outbreak of coronavirus throughout the world has shocked and affected most countries. In this regard, the health tourism market of Islamic Republic of Iran was no an exception and was affected by this crisis. To meet this challenge, stakeholders of the health tourism market should determine their recession during this period, strengthen their weaknesses, and use the available opportunities. In this study, we intended to investigate effect of the coronavirus prevalence on the health tourism market of the Islamic Republic of Iran.


2015 ◽  
Vol 21 (2) ◽  
pp. 417-447
Author(s):  
Kevan Harris

Within a year of becoming president of the Islamic Republic of Iran, Mahmoud Ahmadinezhad had already confused much of the world. Explanations of his political ascent in a semi-peripheral country rely largely on the concept of charismatic authority. This is a non-explanation, however, as the charismatic historical figure who seemingly holds creative command over the social world also has to be created. Instead, I argue that Ahmadinezhad’s trajectory from an Islamist engineering student to the presidency of a post-revolutionary state highlights three mechanisms of social-political innovation that are bounded by space and time: the situated overlap of social capital, the paradox of vertical clientage, and the breakaway of the machine boss. These mechanisms are usually misread as timeless signifiers of national backwardness or as charismatic dei ex machina. By showing these mechanisms at work through biography, we can challenge scholarly and popular explanations of social change that implicitly rehash modernization theory.


Horizons ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 47 (1) ◽  
pp. 76-89
Author(s):  
Elisee Rutagambwa

When the world came to its senses after the Second World War and reports of the horrors of the Holocaust began to spread, the international community reacted with disbelief. And when reality proved much worse than even the worst nightmare, the world community reacted unanimously with a general outcry: crimes of this magnitude must never happen again. It appeared quite clear that, in the future, the international community would never again remain inactive in the face of such appalling tragedy. Yet, the firm imperative “never again” has become “again and again,” and the same dreadful crimes have been repeated in many parts of the world.


Author(s):  
Manata Hashemi

The subject of intense media scrutiny, young men and women in the Islamic Republic of Iran have long been characterized as walking rebels—a frustrated, alienated generation devoid of hope and prone to oppositional practices. Coming of Age in Iran challenges these homogenizing depictions through vivid ethnographic portraits of a group of resilient lower-class youth in Iran: the face-savers. Through participant observation and interviews, the book reveals how conformism to moral norms becomes these young people’s ticket to social mobility. By developing a public face admired by those with the power and resources to transform their lives, face-savers both contest and reproduce systems of stratification within their communities. Examining the rules of the face game, Coming of Age in Iranshows how social practice is collectively judged, revealing the embedded moral ideologies that give shape to socioeconomic change in contexts all too often understood in terms of repression and resistance.


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