Coercive Mediation on the Road to Dayton

1996 ◽  
Vol 1 (3) ◽  
pp. 547-570 ◽  
Author(s):  
Saadia Touval

AbstractThe article tries to explain why the American mediation at Dayton resulted in agreement, whereas previous attempts to settle the Bosnian conflict had failed. After examining the evolution of American policies prior to 1995, the article discusses the US initiative of taking the lead in the negotiation, and the methods and tactics it employed. It argues that the military operations against the Serbs do not fit the description of the mediator as a manipulator inducing a mutually hurting stalemate. The military campaign having endowed Western policies with credibility, intimidated the Serbs, and redrawn the front-lines, might be called coercive mediation. It suggests that the description of the mediator as an intervenor who does not employ force needs to be revised.

Author(s):  
Dr. Mohammad Younus ◽  
Dr. Aisha Shahzad

The US responded to the 9/11 terrorist attacks by invading Afghanistan. The US invasion had two perceived objectives: Military and Political. The military objective was to eliminate Al-Qaida and Taliban in order to restore peace, while the political dimension was to rebuild the Afghan state and society from scratch, to establish a healthy democratic system which would put Afghanistan on the road to prosperity. In Dec 2001, nearly all the Afghan stakeholders, except Taliban, gathered along with the representatives of international community in Bonn, Germany. The purpose of the conference was to discuss the plans which would help to materialize the dream of a stable and democratic Afghanistan. The project of democratic Afghanistan envisioned at Bonn Conference in 2001 is still far from being achieved. All the attempts made by international community to establish democracy in Afghanistan have not been met with success. The study begins with the premise that there are certain pre-conditions which enhance the growth of democracy and unless the conditions are met, democratic stability will remain a distant dream in Afghanistan. This study surveys and analyzes the deterioration of democratic system in Afghanistan with special reference to the role of ethnic cleavages and the menacing influence of foreign actors. The study recommends policies that are aimed at reducing ethnic polarization by ensuring more equitable distribution of power and resources coupled with a realistic approach on the part of Kabul to take into account the legitimate security interests of regional countries in order to compel them to play a constructive role for achieving peace and stability in Afghanistan.


Author(s):  
Niki Wilson

Climate change. Lack of food security. Limited access to basic healthcare. These are just some of the big, complex problems facing humanity. Solutions will require out-of-the-box innovation, which is why many governments, institutions, and entrepreneurs around the globe are beginning to embrace the concept of convergence research. The US-based National Science Foundation describes convergence as “a deeper, more intentional approach to accelerating discovery.” Following interdisciplinarity and multidisciplinarity, it is the next stop on a continuum used to describe approaches whereby scientists and experts learn from each other and collaborate across disciplines. It aims to integrate the natural, computational, social, economic, and health sciences in a humanities context, thereby transcending the traditional boundaries of those fields and creating unique opportunities for problem-solving. The concept of convergence research is taking hold, but how effectively is it being implemented? This chapter explores examples from research networks, research institutes, and the private sector to better understand how convergence research is addressing some of society’s most pressing issues. From disruptions in indigenous food systems to emerging issues in mental health, the author explores the benefits and challenges that arise from a convergence research approach.


2000 ◽  
Vol 48 (3) ◽  
pp. 331-348 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul Higate

An emerging literature has recently attempted to address the transitory characteristics of the single homeless population. In this paper I contribute to this focus by arguing that one way in which to account for the high mobility of the insecurely accommodated is to focus on its gendered groundings. Drawing on a study of seventeen homeless ex-servicemen, I explore the long-term influence of military-masculine gender ideology in a civilian environment pervaded by disadvantage. The themes of the emotions, camaraderie, alcohol use and ‘freedom from the military’ are discussed within an empirical and theoretical framework. In conclusion, it is suggested that a number of ex-servicemen are both disposed to, and equipped for, a life on the road, and may become ‘addicted’ to travel and fleeting fixedness to place. It is hoped that these comments have a wider generalisability, and may throw light on the deeper underpinnings of movement for homeless (non ex-service) men, a number of whom may romanticise their lives ‘on the open road'.


2012 ◽  
Vol 34 (2) ◽  
pp. 34-35
Author(s):  
Graham Taylor

In UK scholarly publishing, we have a world-class industry led by famous flagship journals generating over £1bn in turnover, 80% from exports. We comprise a few significant commercial players, a few university presses and a large group of not-for-profit society publishers, often working under contract with the commercials. The UK is a world hub for this activity, alongside the US, The Netherlands and Germany, part of a global industry publishing over 1.5 million peer-reviewed articles per year in over 20 000 journals. But many challenges lie on the road ahead.


Author(s):  
Andrea Carati

The paper delves into the Afghanistan crisis in a regional perspective. It frames the regional and international influences in the country emphasizing the interdependence between global and regional interferences. It argues that regional actors tend to gain more freedom of action in Afghan affairs when global actors – empires or superpowers – disengage from the country. Conversely, when global powers are intervening (as during the Great Game, the Soviet occupation or the US intervention since 2001), regional actors lose their sway. Accordingly, the paper investigates the recent crisis in Afghanistan identifying three phases starting from the US mission launched in the aftermath of the 9/11 terrorist attacks: the G.W. Bush approach to the military campaign in Afghanistan (2001-8); the Af-Pak Strategy implemented by the Obama administration (2009-14); the years of international withdrawal (2015-19). For each period, the analysis underlines the activism of regional actors in Afghanistan and how it becomes prominent when the global power tends to disengage.


2019 ◽  
pp. 291-303
Author(s):  
Andrew Marble

The chapter is set at Fort Myer, Virginia, on September 30, 1997, the day General John Shalikashvili retired from the US military. The chapter overviews the retirement ceremony from Shalikashvili’s perspective as he reviews the honor guard with President William J. Clinton and Secretary of Defense William Cohen and thinks back to that night when he first laid eyes on US soldiers in Pappenheim and the role that luck has played in his attaining the American dream. The chapter also thumbnails his accomplishments as chairman: (1) confronting historic change, especially by realizing Partnership for Peace and NATO expansion, (2) was more supportive of non-traditional military missions (military operations other than war, MOOTW), (3) prepared the US military for the challenges of the twenty-first century, particularly by downsizing the military yet upgrading their capability and readiness, including by emphasizing joint education, joint planning, and joint training, and (4) rebalanced civil-military relations. The chapter ends with Shalikashvili’s closing remarks, emphasizing his love for soldiers and their families.


2021 ◽  
Vol 21 (4) ◽  
pp. 1-26
Author(s):  
Huniya Shahid ◽  
Munam Ali Shah ◽  
Ahmad Almogren ◽  
Hasan Ali Khattak ◽  
Ikram Ud Din ◽  
...  

The rapid advancement in information and communication technology has revolutionized military departments and their operations. This advancement also gave birth to the idea of the Internet of Battlefield Things (IoBT). The IoBT refers to the fusion of the Internet of Things (IoT) with military operations on the battlefield. Various IoBT-based frameworks have been developed for the military. Nonetheless, many of these frameworks fail to maintain a high Quality of Service (QoS) due to the demanding and critical nature of IoBT. This study makes the use of mist computing while leveraging machine learning. Mist computing places computational capabilities on the edge itself (mist nodes), e.g., on end devices, wearables, sensors, and micro-controllers. This way, mist computing not only decreases latency but also saves power consumption and bandwidth as well by eliminating the need to communicate all data acquired, produced, or sensed. A mist-based version of the IoTNetWar framework is also proposed in this study. The mist-based IoTNetWar framework is a four-layer structure that aims at decreasing latency while maintaining QoS. Additionally, to further minimize delays, mist nodes utilize machine learning. Specifically, they use the delay-based K nearest neighbour algorithm for device-to-device communication purposes. The primary research objective of this work is to develop a system that is not only energy, time, and bandwidth-efficient, but it also helps military organizations with time-critical and resources-critical scenarios to monitor troops. By doing so, the system improves the overall decision-making process in a military campaign or battle. The proposed work is evaluated with the help of simulations in the EdgeCloudSim. The obtained results indicate that the proposed framework can achieve decreased network latency of 0.01 s and failure rate of 0.25% on average while maintaining high QoS in comparison to existing solutions.


Author(s):  
Mikołaj KUGLER

This article addresses the issue of Poland's troop contributions to US-led military operations, which for Poland constituted a salient instrument for attaining its security policy goals. It is argued that the United States of America played a pivotal role in Poland’s security policy, and by providing it with active support for the military operations in which the US exercised political and/or military leadership, Poland hoped to advance its security agenda. This assumption stemmed from America’s leading role in the global system and a conviction that it could influence its development in the way suiting the Polish interest. The article is in four parts. First, it examines the significance of foreign deployments as an instrument for attaining Poland’s security policy goals. Next, it explains the role the United States was assigned in Poland’s security policy. After that, it recounts the operations of Polish military contingents in US-led allied and coalition military operations. Finally, it discusses whether and how the engagement in those operations contributed to enhancing Poland’s security. The article embraces the period from the first military operation to which Poland deployed troops following the collapse of the Communist bloc in 1991 to the termination of the ISAF operation, which has had the largest Polish presence to date, in 2014. Keywords:


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