scholarly journals La crisi in Afghanistan: l’intervento militare e il recente disimpegno internazionale in una prospettiva regionale

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrea Carati
Keyword(s):  
Terrorist Attacks ◽  
Obama Administration ◽  
Soviet Occupation ◽  
Global Power ◽  
The Us ◽  
Military Campaign ◽  
The Military ◽  
Great Game ◽  
Us Intervention ◽  
Freedom Of Action

The paper delves into the Afghanistan crisis in a regional perspective. It frames the regional and international influences in the country emphasizing the interdependence between global and regional interferences. It argues that regional actors tend to gain more freedom of action in Afghan affairs when global actors – empires or superpowers – disengage from the country. Conversely, when global powers are intervening (as during the Great Game, the Soviet occupation or the US intervention since 2001), regional actors lose their sway. Accordingly, the paper investigates the recent crisis in Afghanistan identifying three phases starting from the US mission launched in the aftermath of the 9/11 terrorist attacks: the G.W. Bush approach to the military campaign in Afghanistan (2001-8); the Af-Pak Strategy implemented by the Obama administration (2009-14); the years of international withdrawal (2015-19). For each period, the analysis underlines the activism of regional actors in Afghanistan and how it becomes prominent when the global power tends to disengage.

Part III Regimes and Doctrines, Ch.43 Transnational Migration, Globalization, and Governance: Theorizing a Crisis

2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thomas Chantal
Keyword(s):  
Political Economy ◽  
Transnational Migration ◽  
Economic Life ◽  
Central American ◽  
Life Changes ◽  
Economic Production ◽  
Global Power ◽  
The Us ◽  
Us Intervention

This chapter emphasizes the role of political economy, and the ways in which global governance has affected (or failed to affect) it, in generating immigration crises. Going beyond politics toward political economy illuminates both the origins of US intervention in Central America, and the ways in which that intervention has shaped migration from the region. US involvement stemmed from global power struggles over the organization of economic production: namely, its concerns about the turn to socialism, particularly after the Cuban Revolution. If foreign policy origins stemmed from economics, often so did policy tools; such measures oriented Central American economies towards the US as a destination for its exports, and increased the Central American presence of US investors and imports. They also engendered profound changes in Central American economic life: changes that each in their own way have reinforced patterns contributing to the current migration surge.

Coercive Mediation on the Road to Dayton

1996 ◽  
Vol 1 (3) ◽  
pp. 547-570 ◽  
Author(s):  
Saadia Touval
Keyword(s):  
Military Operations ◽  
The Road ◽  
The Us ◽  
On The Road ◽  
Military Campaign ◽  
The Military

AbstractThe article tries to explain why the American mediation at Dayton resulted in agreement, whereas previous attempts to settle the Bosnian conflict had failed. After examining the evolution of American policies prior to 1995, the article discusses the US initiative of taking the lead in the negotiation, and the methods and tactics it employed. It argues that the military operations against the Serbs do not fit the description of the mediator as a manipulator inducing a mutually hurting stalemate. The military campaign having endowed Western policies with credibility, intimidated the Serbs, and redrawn the front-lines, might be called coercive mediation. It suggests that the description of the mediator as an intervenor who does not employ force needs to be revised.

The Trauma of 9/11: 2001–2002

2019 ◽  
pp. 85-104
Author(s):  
John L. Helgerson
Keyword(s):  
September 11 ◽  
Weapons Of Mass Destruction ◽  
Terrorist Attacks ◽  
Mass Destruction ◽  
Terrorist Threat ◽  
The Us ◽  
The Subject ◽  
Us Intervention ◽  
Invasion Of Iraq ◽  
Intelligence Officer

John Helgerson’s tenure began just six weeks before the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001. The terrorist threat had been the subject of major analyses produced during John Gannon’s tenure; it became the overwhelming priority after 9/11. Helgerson describes the early responses as well as the longer-term analyses of the evolving terrorist threat and the new landscape of counterterrorist cooperation with traditional allies and former adversaries alike. The US intervention in Afghanistan to topple the Taliban regime gave way to a new focus on Iraq. The ostensible rationale for the invasion of Iraq was a controversial national intelligence estimate on Iraqi weapons of mass destruction (WMD). Although the NIE was published in the interval between Helgerson’s tenure and his successor’s, the chapter assesses the estimate and the decision to go to war in Iraq through the analysis of National Intelligence Officer Paul Pillar, who straddled both tenures.

Russia and the World: 2016 IMEMO Forecast

2015 ◽  
Vol 23 (2) ◽  
pp. 93-122 ◽  
Author(s):  
A. Dynkin ◽  
V. Baranovsky ◽  
I. Kobrinskaya ◽  
G. Machavariany ◽  
S. Afontsev ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Foreign Policy Analysis ◽  
Military Operations ◽  
International Environment ◽  
The Us ◽  
The World ◽  
Migration Crisis ◽  
The Military ◽  
Great Game ◽  
Substantial Change

This forecast examines the major trends in Russia's relations with the world and in the Russian view of the world in 2016. The forecast looks firstly at Russia's role in the world in the context of the extant and emergent state of geopolitics. In a confused international environment, caught between the multiple, discordant and disorderly games of checkers of the present and the emerging design of a new grand chessboard for international relations, Russia and the West have been forced into cooperation. While far from easy and far from guaranteed to work – or last – this situation does offer the possibility of overcoming divides to pursue mutual interests. These interests become particularly apparent in the context of increased shared threats and the need to act jointly against them, the uncertainties created by rising powers, and the difficulties that Russia finds itself in. The key role of new mega-regional trade agreements in this emerging great game is also emphasised in the subsequent sections of the forecast, which deal, respectively, with foreign policy and political economy. The foreign policy analysis sees the US in flux in a presidential election year, and the EU caught at the crossroads of its own failure to capitalise on integration and a migration crisis of unprecedented proportions. Meanwhile, foreign policy in the post-Soviet space is characterised more by stasis than by substantial change, with frozen conflicts and stagnant reforms in Ukraine and limited room for manoeuvre for other players the order of the day. The Russian involvement in the Middle East, however, is anything but stagnant, with the military operations in Syria having dramatic effects in both the situation in Syria and global and regional geopolitics. The sustainability of this quest for influence, however, is questioned by the attitude of other players, but also by Russia's own internal weaknesses, notably its serious and deepening economic crisis.

scholarly journals The U.S. Policy of Democracy Promotion in the Post-Soviet Space

2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 18-28
Author(s):  
V. A. Ponomarev
Keyword(s):  
Us Foreign Policy ◽  
Democracy Promotion ◽  
Military Equipment ◽  
The Us ◽  
Soviet Space ◽  
Military Campaign ◽  
The Military ◽  
The U.S ◽  
Trump Administration ◽  
Post Soviet Space

After the collapse of the USSR, U.S. Administrations exploited the policy of «democracy promotion» to expand American influence in the post-Soviet space and to counterbalance Russia. In the light of the military campaign in Syria, the escalation around Iran, North Korea and Venezuela, the importance of the post-Soviet space for the US foreign policy has declined, U.S. aid to the region was cut. However, the Trump Administration maintains interest in keeping loyal elites in power to ensure the implementation of reforms and business projects, in particular, with a view to export U.S. military equipment and liquefied natural gas. The U.S. primary goal is to counteract Russian influence in the region, to prevent post-Soviet republics from building stronger ties with Moscow and reorient them towards the «collective West».

The Political and Legal Force of the Prohibition of Force: Assessing State Behaviour

2008 ◽  
Vol 21 (4) ◽  
pp. 995-1003
Author(s):  
ALFRED VAN STADEN
Keyword(s):  
Effective Control ◽  
Military Force ◽  
The Us ◽  
Un Security Council ◽  
Us Government ◽  
State Behaviour ◽  
The Right ◽  
Military Campaign ◽  
The Military ◽  
Self Defence

Recent political developments on the global scene have shed new light on established rules concerning the employment of military force while giving rise, among other things, to a reappraisal of the scope and limits of the right of self-defence. The terrorist attacks of September 2001 raised the question of whether actions by non-state actors can fall within the concept of ‘armed attack’. Those attacks were defined by UN Security Council Resolution 1368, under Article 39 of Chapter VII of the UN Charter, as ‘a threat to international peace and security’, but the ambiguous formulation left sufficient scope for upholding the prevailing view that Article 51 may only be invoked in the case of conflict between states. According to this view, which meanwhile has been contested, any resort to self-defence for legally justifying unilateral military action against terrorist organizations operating in other countries needs to be supported by evidence or argumentation that attacks perpetrated by those organizations can be attributed to a state. In defending the military campaign conducted to oust the Taliban regime in Afghanistan, the US government could credibly argue that this regime, exercising effective control over the country, was to be held accountable since it was harbouring members of al Qaeda on its territory and was actively supporting them.

scholarly journals Hands Across The Atlantic?

2011 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Terry Young ◽  
Peggy Crawford
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
The United States ◽  
The European Union ◽  
The Us ◽  
Post War ◽  
Military Campaign ◽  
The Military ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Great Burden ◽  
The Eu

The war in Iraq created a division between the United States and some members of the European Union. The war also split the EU, with France and Germany leading the anti-war camp and Britain, Italy, Portugal, and Spain supporting Washington. With organized warfare over, the United States has shifted its attention from the military campaign to the installation of a legitimate and stable government in Iraq. However, the administration of post-war Iraq has caused the division between the US and Europe to widen.The multilateralists, France and Germany, are demanding a central role for the UN in rebuilding Iraq. France, in particular, believes that the task should be left to the UN alone. They suggest this would help legitimize what they consider to be an illegal war. On the other hand, the US, which accepted a great burden with the pre-emptive attack on Iraq, wants the UN to have a vital but limited role in post-war Iraq. The US believes that the UN needs serious repair before any responsibilities can be handed to it.This study examines the economic, political, and security implications of the division between these old allies. The relationship between the US and EU is based on years of cooperation. Both sides know that they must mend fences sooner rather than later. We contend that pragmatism will triumph over geo-politics.

Functioning of Ukrainian Bureau in Washington D. C. (March 1939 – May 1940)

2019 ◽  
pp. 142-157
Author(s):  
Danylo Kravets
Keyword(s):  
New York ◽  
The United States ◽  
College Degrees ◽  
The Us ◽  
Us Government ◽  
General Functioning ◽  
History Of ◽  
Governmental Institutions ◽  
History Of Journalism ◽  
The Military

The aim of the Ukrainian Bureau in Washington was propaganda of Ukrainian question among US government and American publicity in general. Functioning of the Bureau is not represented non in Ukrainian neither in foreign historiographies, so that’s why the main goal of presented paper is to investigate its activity. The research is based on personal papers of Ukrainian diaspora representatives (O. Granovskyi, E. Skotzko, E. Onatskyi) and articles from American and Ukrainian newspapers. The second mass immigration of Ukrainians to the US (1914‒1930s) has often been called the «military» immigration and what it lacked in numbers, it made up in quality. Most immigrants were educated, some with college degrees. The founder of the Ukrainian Bureau Eugene Skotzko was born near Western Ukrainian town of Zoloczhiv and immigrated to the United States in late 1920s after graduating from Lviv Polytechnic University. In New York he began to collaborate with OUN member O. Senyk-Hrabivskyi who gave E. Skotzko task to create informational bureau for propaganda of Ukrainian case. On March 23 1939 the Bureau was founded in Washington D. C. E. Skotzko was an editor of its Informational Bulletins. The Bureau biggest problem was lack of financial support. It was the main reason why it stopped functioning in May 1940. During 14 months of functioning Ukrainian Bureau in Washington posted dozens of informational bulletins and send it to hundreds of addressees; E. Skotzko, as a director, personally wrote to American governmental institutions and foreign diplomats informing about Ukrainian problem in Europe. Ukrainian Bureau activity is an inspiring example for those who care for informational policy of modern Ukraine.Keywords: Ukrainian small encyclopedia, Yevhen Onatsky, journalism, worldview, Ukrainian state. Keywords: Ukrainian Bureau in Washington, Eugene Skotzko, public opinion, history of journalism, diaspora.

Reluctant Cold Warriors

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Vladimir Kontorovich
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
National Security ◽  
Soviet Economy ◽  
Accurate Analysis ◽  
Policy Makers ◽  
Large Numbers ◽  
The Us ◽  
Comprehensive Survey ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
The Military

The academic study of the Soviet economy in the US was created to help fight the Cold War, part of a broader mobilization of the social sciences for national security needs. The Soviet strategic challenge rested on the ability of its economy to produce large numbers of sophisticated weapons. The military sector was the dominant part of the economy, and the most successful one. However, a comprehensive survey of scholarship on the Soviet economy from 1948-1991 shows that it paid little attention to the military sector, compared to other less important parts of the economy. Soviet secrecy does not explain this pattern of neglect. Western scholars developed strained civilian interpretations for several aspects of the economy which the Soviets themselves acknowledged to have military significance. A close reading of the economic literature, combined with insights from other disciplines, suggest three complementary explanations for civilianization of the Soviet economy. Soviet studies was a peripheral field in economics, and its practitioners sought recognition by pursuing the agenda of the mainstream discipline, however ill-fitting their subject. The Soviet economy was supposed to be about socialism, and the military sector appeared to be unrelated to that. By stressing the militarization, one risked being viewed as a Cold War monger. The conflict identified in this book between the incentives of academia and the demands of policy makers (to say nothing of accurate analysis) has broad relevance for national security uses of social science.

Deterrence and Democracy

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard A. Falkenrath
Keyword(s):  
War On Terror ◽  
Terrorist Attacks ◽  
Global War On Terror ◽  
Counter Terrorism ◽  
Liberal Democratic ◽  
The Us ◽  
Democratic Societies ◽  
Global War ◽  
Taking Action ◽  
The Given

This chapter examines strategy and deterrence and traces the shift from deterrence by ‘punishment’ to deterrence by ‘denial’ in Washington’s conduct of the Global War on Terror. The former rested on an assumption that the consequences of an action would serve as deterrents. The latter may carry messages of possible consequences, but these are delivered by taking action that removes the capabilities available to opponents – in the given context, the Islamist terrorists challenging the US. Both approaches rest on credibility, but are more complex in the realm of counter-terrorism, where the US authorities have no obvious ‘return to sender’ address and threats to punish have questionable credibility. In this context, denial offers a more realistic way of preventing terrorist attacks. Yet, the advanced means available to the US are deeply ethically problematic in liberal democratic societies. However, there would likely be even bigger questions if governments failed to act.

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document