Christian Armenia, Islamic Iran: Two (Not So) Strange Companions Geopolitical Stakes and Significance of a Special Relation ship

2008 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 123-151 ◽  
Author(s):  
Julien Zarifian

AbstractThis articles aims to present and analyse the healthy relationship between the Islamic Republic of Iran and the Republic of Armenia. Although focusing on the current geopolitical stakes and realities of the relationship, this article will also use history and the perceptions it has built to understand today's situation. Based on a long common history, this relationship inscribes itself in a complex geopolitical regional situation where international and local actors interact. These ties between both countries, although poorly explored, are particularly significant in the fields of politics, economy, energy, and culture. The study of this relationship offers a new outlook of the geopolitical complexity of this part of Eurasia, and presents both actors, Armenia and Iran, in a new light.

2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (S2) ◽  
pp. 764-773
Author(s):  
Sabir I. Shukurov

The relevance of this article is due to the advantageous geostrategical position of the Republic of Azerbaijan in the Caspian region, which makes it a significant and attractive location for neighbouring states both politically and economically, causing not only partnership relations between the countries but also the probable insecurity of Azerbaijan's territorial integrity. The purpose of this study is to examine and analyze the complex of geostrategic relations in the Caspian region on the example of the relationship of the Republic of Azerbaijan with the Republic of Turkey and the Islamic Republic of Iran. The leading method for the study of this topic is, first of all, a deep and detailed analysis of the geostrategic and geopolitically advantageous position of the Republic of Azerbaijan, as well as the method of comparing its relations with neighbouring states, which makes it possible to imagine as accurately as possible the general geopolitical picture of the Caspian region. 


2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mohammad Ali Kadivar

The Islamic Republic of Iran is usually referred to as a theocracy, and this is a correct description in different senses. According to the constitution, a Shi’a cleric must fill the office of the leader, the highest de facto and de jure position in the country; a Shi’a jurist should also fill the head of judiciary; and Islam should be the main source of law-making in the country. On the other hand, if calling Iran a theocracy means that the Shi’a clergy as an institution rules the country, then this is not an accurate description. The clerical establishment, even after the revolution, has been separate from the regime, even though the relationship between these two entities has changed drastically after the revolution. While the Shi’a establishment in Qom claims authority over interpretation of the sacred text, the formation of a Shi’a government in Tehran with similar claims about Islamic authority and legitimacy in Tehran has created tensions and sometimes conflicts between these two. In this essay, I will look at patterns of conflict and cooperation between the Islamic Republic mainly the institution of Velayat-e Faqih (guardianship of jurist) and the clerical establishment in Qom, specifically grand ayatollahs[2] or sources of emulation at the highest levels of the Shi’a clerical hierarchy.


1997 ◽  
Vol 29 (4) ◽  
pp. 509-530 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sussan Siavoshi

The evolution of the Islamic Republic of Iran and the dynamics of the relationship between the Iranian state and society can be explored by examining the postrevolutionary regime's policies toward intellectuals, particularly as expressed in its regulation of cinema and book publication. This relationship—at least in the period from the early 1980s to the early 1990s—was complex and nuanced. Factionalism within the regime provided an opportunity for intellectuals to engage the state in a process of negotiation and protest, cooperation and defiance, in pushing the boundaries of permitted self-expression. The degree of their success depended in part on which faction controlled the government and its regulatory agencies during particular phases in the evolution of the postrevolutionary regime.


2021 ◽  
Vol 67 (06) ◽  
pp. 108-112
Author(s):  
Ləman Fəxrəddin qızı Qasımzadə ◽  

In the article: The globalization of the modern world makes it urgent to study the legislative practice of foreign countries (including criminal law). The lack of specialized literature on this topic makes it difficult to solve this problem. In the article: The globalization of the modern world makes it urgent to study the legislative practice of foreign countries (including criminal law). The lack of specialized literature on this topic makes it difficult to solve this problem.The study of foreign law is necessary not only to guide the processes of global economic, political and cultural integration and unification, but above all to facilitate domestic criminal law. The study of foreign law is necessary not only to guide the processes of global economic, political and cultural integration and unification, but above all to facilitate domestic criminal law.As the criminal legislation of the Islamic Republic of Iran and the Republic of Azerbaijan relates to different legal systems, it is difficult to compare them, but it is mutually beneficial.Thus, it allows to identify gaps in the legislation of both countries and take measures to eliminate them. Key words: crime, responsibility, talion principle, revenge, additional punishment, so to speak


2014 ◽  
Vol 54 (2) ◽  
pp. 212-236 ◽  
Author(s):  
Chiara Formichi

This article reflects on the impact of transnational flows of students, pilgrims, and literature from Iran to Indonesia on the shaping of Shiʿa Islam in Indonesia since 1979, with a focus on the post-Suharto era (1998–2012) and the performance of ʿ Āshūrāʾ commemorative rituals. Since the early days of its Islamization, Southeast Asia has featured several literary and ritual practices rooted in a combination of Islamic and local traditions; most notable are those expressing patterns of pre-sectarian devotion towards the ahl al-bayt – drawing a parallel with Marshall Hodgson’s framework of ʿAlid piety (1955). Based on ethnographic and archival research, the author suggests that in the decades following the Iranian revolution some of these practices were abandoned in favour of a paradigm of devotion promoted by the Islamic Republic of Iran. The polarization of practices, and the relationship between organizations representative of these two approaches, is illustrated through an analysis of the performative means used to represent the tragedy of Karbala during ʿĀshūrāʾ events in Bandung, Bengkulu (West Sumatra), and Jakarta in 2011. In Bandung the play “Tragedi Karbala” was performed by a Sundanese theatrical group staging a local text; in Bengkulu the traditional Festival Tabot took place following a pattern determined by the Indonesian Ministry of Education and Culture in the early 1970s but now under the sponsorship of the Iranian Embassy; the  Jakarta event featured a taʿziya troupe brought from Iran by the Embassy’s cultural office.



2017 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 83
Author(s):  
Faisal M. Al- Shogairat ◽  
Vladimir Yurtaev

Islamic republic of Iran and Saudi Arabia are identified as two effective countries in sub-region of the Persian Gulf, that the radius of their influence covers whole great region of the Middle East. The relationship between the two countries have been full of tension during last decade, and during this period changes of political authorities of these countries were not able to improve this relationship. The cause is the resources of foreign policy behavior of the two countries, historical backgrounds of each country, as well as conflict of interest of each in the region of the Persian Gulf and the Middle East. The most competition atmosphere between the two countries is inside the three climacteric countries of Iraq, Syria and Yemen. Accordingly, the prospect of bilateral relations is a consequence of their behaviors in the region and also their dealings with these three countries. Three scenarios presented regarding the two countries' foreign policy in the region can be discussed: efforts to establish governments, attempts to maintain political structures of collapsing countries, and finally, continuation of current trends that may lead to disintegration of these climacteric countries. By studying these scenarios and drivers, blockers and their wild cards, this paper considers the second scenario best for both countries, which is consistent with their national interests, and with the region’s history and general situation.


Author(s):  
Abibulla kyzy Aizhamal

In article discusses the relationship between Iran and Kyrgyzstan in the field of culture and education. Attention is focused on the pragmatic course in the relations between the two countries, the cultural factor of mutual influence is noted. The article provides a brief overview of Iran’s cultural initiatives in relation to Kyrgyzstan.


2004 ◽  
Vol 10 (6) ◽  
pp. 921-924
Author(s):  
R. Behrouzian ◽  
N. Aghdami

Wecarried out a case-control study is to investigate the relationship between iodine deficiency and stomach cancer. We compared the ratio of urinary iodine to urinary creatinine in 100 patients diagnosed with stomach cancer and 84 people in a control group. Mean urinary iodine levels were lower in the patients with stomach cancer, 61.9 micro g/g creatinine, compared to 101.7 micro g/g creatinine in the control group [P < 0.0001]. More of the cancer patients [49.0%] had severe iodine deficiency [< 25 micro g/g creatinine] than people in the control group [19.1%] [P< 0.0001]. We found the relationship between stomach cancer and iodine deficiency to be significant


2007 ◽  
Vol 39 (2) ◽  
pp. 271-289 ◽  
Author(s):  
Roschanack Shaery-Eisenlohr

In 2002 the Cultural Center of the Islamic Republic of Iran in Beirut invited Mehdi Chamran to visit Lebanon. Chamran's late brother, Mustafa, was a member of an anti-Pahlavi opposition movement with bases in Lebanon from 1970 to 1979. During his visit, Chamran was to meet several Lebanese Shiءi personalities and to visit Shiءa-run institutions in South Lebanon, including institutions affiliated with the Lebanese Shiءi political party Amal (Afwaj al-Muqawama al-Lubnaniyya), which is headed by the current speaker of the Lebanese Parliament, Nabih Berri, in order to speak about his late brother. In fact, many of the Lebanese Shiءa attending the speech had personally known Mustafa. He had, after all, offered military training to many active in Lebanon's first Shiءi militia, which subsequently became the Amal movement. On February 15, at the Nabih Berri Cultural Complex (Mujammaʿ Nabih Berri al-Thaqafi), in Tallat al-Radar, a town near Nabatiyya, in South Lebanon, Chamran began a speech by reading passages from his brother's letters and notes from 1973 that described the political atmosphere in South Lebanon amid Israeli military attacks. Chamran went on to discuss the relationship between the Islamic Revolution and Lebanese Shiءa, emphasizing the theme of closeness and unity. For a moment, as he read these passages, Chamran implied that Iranian and Lebanese Shiءa had been moving back and forth for centuries between their respective countries and hence were what one scholar calls “distant relations.”


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