“Rather French than Subject to the Prince of Orange.” The Conflicting Loyalties of the Utrecht Catholics during the French Occupation (1672-73)

2007 ◽  
Vol 87 (4) ◽  
pp. 509-533 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bertrand Forclaz

AbstractThe French occupation of Utrecht (1672-73) provides us with an interesting case through which to study different regimes of religious coexistence and their effects on interconfessional relationships. I argue in this article, on the basis of diaries, letters, pamphlets, consistorial records and edicts of the city council, that the French occupier, in granting the Catholics freedom of worship, contributed to a hardening of interconfessional relationships, by provoking conflicts about rituals and the use of churches. The occupation brought a new pattern of coexistence: whereas in the United Provinces, the Reformed Church enjoyed a monopoly over religious expression in the public sphere and other faiths were tolerated by connivance, during the occupation both the Catholic and the Reformed faiths had official recognition and were practiced publicly. Another reason to study the occupation is that it allows us to learn more about the political affiliation of Catholics: did they support the French? Did they consider that Louis XIV would restore them to political and religious supremacy, as prophecies seem to suggest? The answers to these questions vary. Whereas the Catholic clerics generally supported the French king, lay people seem to have been disappointed, as the French did not treat them differently from the Reformed inhabitants: for example, everyone had to pay the same taxes. All in all the occupation reveals the crystallization of confessional identities and the difficulty of coexistence when different faiths had the same rights.

2020 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 135-149
Author(s):  
Jan Siegemund

AbstractLibel played an important and extraordinary role in early modern conflict culture. The article discusses their functions and the way they were assessed in court. The case study illustrates argumentative spaces and different levels of normative references in libel trials in 16th century electoral Saxony. In 1569, Andreas Langener – in consequence of a long stagnating private conflict – posted several libels against the nobleman Tham Pflugk in different public places in the city of Dresden. Consequently, he was arrested and charged with ‘libelling’. Depending on the reference to conflicting social and legal norms, he had therefore been either threatened with corporal punishment including his execution, or rewarded with laudations. In this case, the act of libelling could be seen as slander, but also as a service to the community, which Langener had informed about potentially harmful transgression of norms. While the common good was the highest maxim, different and sometimes conflicting legally protected interests had to be discussed. The situational decision depended on whether the articulated charges where true and relevant for the public, on the invective language, and especially on the quality and size of the public sphere reached by the libel.


Slavic Review ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 76 (4) ◽  
pp. 907-930
Author(s):  
Igor Fedyukin

This article uses the materials of the Drezdensha affair, a large-scale investigation of “indecency” in St. Petersburg in 1750, to explore unofficial sociability among the Imperial elite, and to map out the institutional, social, and economic dimensions of the post-Petrine “sexual underworld.” Sociability and, ultimately, the public sphere in eighteenth century Russia are usually associated with loftier practices, with joining the ranks of the reading public, reflecting on the public good, and generally, becoming more civil and polite. Yet, it is the privately-run, commercially-oriented, and sexually-charged “parties” at the focus of this article that arguably served as a “training ground” for developing the habits of sociability. The world of these “parties” provides a missing link between the debauchery and carousing of Peter I's era and the more polite formats of associational life in the late eighteenth century, as well as the historical context for reflections on morality, sexual licentiousness, foppery, and the excesses of “westernization.”


2019 ◽  
Vol 44 (2) ◽  
pp. 62-67
Author(s):  
Dijana Alic

On 6 april 1992, the european union (eu) recognised bosnia and hercegovina as a new independent state, no longer a part of the socialist federal republic of Yugoslavia. The event marked the start of the siege of sarajevo, which lasted nearly four years, until late february 1996. It became the longest siege in the history of modern warfare, outlasting the leningrad enclosure by a year. During its 1425 days, more than 11,500 people were killed. The attacks left a trail of destruction across the city, which began to transform it in ways not experienced before. This paper explores how the physical transformation of sarajevo affected the ways in which meaning and significance were assigned to its built fabric. I argue that the changes imposed by war and the daily destruction of the city challenged long-established relationships between the built fabric and those who inhabited the city, introducing new modes of thinking and interpreting the city. Loosely placing the discussion within the framework of ‘Thirdspace', established by urban theorist and cultural geographer edward soja, i discuss the relationship that emerged between the historicality, sociality and spatiality of war-torn sarajevo. Whether responding to the impacts of physical destruction or dramatic social change, the nexus of time, space and being shows that the concept of spatiality is essential to comprehending the world and to adjusting to and resisting the impact of extraordinary circumstances. Recognising the continuation of daily life as essential to survival sheds light on processes of renewal and change in a war-affected landscape. These shattered urban spaces also show the ways in which people make a sense of place in relation to specific socio-historical environments and political contexts.


Author(s):  
Yuliya Kuzovenkova ◽  

The last two decades have been a time of serious transformation of youth subcultures. Researchers speak about the formation of the postmodernism paradigm of subculture and the virtualisation of sociocultural phenomena. The subcultural subject and the power that formed it continue to exist in the new realities, but are undergoing a transformation. Changes having occured to the public sphere were especially significant for a subcultural entity since it is the public sphere where a subcultural entity can present itself to authorities, thereby maintaining its social subsistence. Our research was aimed at studying how the transformation of the public sphere has affected the entity’s subculture. For the study, the authors employed the method of a qualitative half-structurated interview and draw on the disciplinary authority concept suggested by M. Foucault. The analysis was based on materials of interviewing some representatives of the graffiti subculture in the city of Samara (twenty-two people) from 2016 to 2018. The author has established that the subcultural subject is processual and dependent on the practices in use; a change in practices leads to a change in the subject. Changes of practices in the graffiti subculture were a result of the virtualisation of culture. The author has identified the changes that have taken place in the subcultural subject under the influence of the transformation of the public sphere (the ‘short time’ of instantaneous fame prevails over the ‘long time’ of the symbolic capital of the nickname, new space-time coordinates within which the entity exists, the ‘digital body’ of the subcultural entity becomes ever more informative rather than that which was created via sketches placed in urban space). Unlike the public sphere, the private sphere under the influence of a subculture ideology remains unchanged.


Author(s):  
Camilo D. Trumper

Chapter two examines how those on the Left and Right alike crafted political narratives on the street that made new sense of these idealized views of the city and of citizenship. In an effort to fashion political opposition to Allende, women organized around the specter of food shortages, scarcity, and price inflation in the December 1, 1971 March of the Empty Pots. Circulating information and organizing meetings in the press, supermarkets, food queues, and hair salons, they politicized traditionally “apolitical” places. In so doing, they created new possibilities for political association and debate. They also made gendered spectacle of “reclaiming the streets” from Allende supporters, banging empty pots and pans to arguing that they were forced out of their domestic worlds by the “dire” lack of subsistence goods and into the contested space of urban politics. Studying this emblematic protest through the intertwined lenses of gender, politics and the public sphere, Chapter 2 reveals how the ephemeral political practice of protest effectively transformed gendered domestic tropes into legitimate political languages and into the bases for new, gendered, and conservative political identities.


Author(s):  
Stephen Lovell

This chapter tells the story of public speaking in Russia from the imposition of greater restrictions on the public sphere in 1867 through to the eve of Alexander II’s assassination in 1881. It shows that in this period the focus of the Russian public switched from the zemstvo to the courtroom, where a number of high-profile trials took place (and were reported, sometimes in stenographic detail, in the press). The chapter examines the careers and profiles of some of Russia’s leading courtroom orators. It also explores the activities of the Russian socialists (populists), in particular the ‘Going to the People’ movement of 1873–4 and later propaganda efforts in the city and the courtroom. It ends by considering the intensification of public discourse at the end of the 1870s: the Russo-Turkish War saw a surge of patriotic mobilization, but at the same time the populist adoption of terrorism seized public attention.


2007 ◽  
pp. 233-251 ◽  
Author(s):  
Luis V. Casaló ◽  
Carlos Flavián ◽  
Miguel Guinalíu

This chapter introduces the concept of m-government and its implications for both citizens and public institutions. Although m-government is currently in an initial phase of development, its potential in the relationship between the public sector and the citizen is obvious because of, for example, the large number of mobile phone users among the public. In addition, the development of m-government initiatives generates a good number of bene?ts for the public sector that operates it as well as for the public, who experience improved accessibility to electronic public services. Because of this, this chapter analyses m-government initiatives developed by the Zaragoza City Council (Spain) in order to describe its bene?ts, implications for the relationship between the City Council and the citizen, and the future perspectives of these initiatives. We have speci?cally chosen a country like Spain due to the fact that mobile telephone usage is widespread and, at the same time, local government level has been chosen as the citizen participates more in the relationship with the public sector when it is at the local level.


2016 ◽  
Vol 24 (2) ◽  
pp. 193-208 ◽  
Author(s):  
João Sarmento ◽  
Marisa Ferreira

In the past decades many cities have experienced growing pressure to produce and stage cultural events of different sorts to promote themselves and improve economic development. Culture-led development often relies on significant public investment and major private-sector sponsoring. In the context of strained public finances and profound economic crisis in European peripheral countries, local community low-budget events that manage to create significant fluxes of visitors and visibility assume a particular relevance. This paper looks at the four editions (2011–2014) of Noc-Noc, an arts festival organized by a local association in the city of Guimarães, Portugal, which is based on creating transient spaces of culture by transforming numerous homes, commercial outlets and other buildings into ephemeral convivial and playful ‘public’ environments. By interviewing a sample of people who have hosted (sometimes doubling as artists) these transitory art performances and exhibitions, artists and the events’ organizers and by experiencing the four editions of the event and engaging in multiple informal conversations with the public, this paper attempts to discuss how urban citizens may disrupt the cleavages between public and private space permitting various transgressions, and unsettling the hegemonic condition of the city council as the patron of the large majority of events.


2008 ◽  
Vol 87 (1) ◽  
pp. 121-145 ◽  
Author(s):  
ROBERT ANDERSON

Edinburgh introduced Britain to the university centenary, an established form of celebration in continental Europe. The ceremonies in 1884 can be seen in the framework of the late nineteenth-century ‘invention of tradition’. Such events usually asserted the links of the university with national and local communities and with the state. The Edinburgh celebrations marked the opening of a new medical school, after a public appeal which itself strengthened relations with graduates and wealthy donors. The city council, local professional bodies, and the student community all played a prominent part in the events of 1884, which were a significant episode in the development of student representation. Analysis of the speeches given on the occasion suggests that the university sought to promote the image of a great medical and scientific university, with the emphasis on teaching and professional training rather than research, for the ideal of the ‘Humboldtian’ research university was still a novelty in Britain. Tercentenary rhetoric also expressed such themes as international academic cooperation , embodied in the presence of leading scientists and scholars, the harmony of religion and science, and a liberal protestant view of the rise of freedom of thought. The tercentenary coincided with impending legislation on Scottish universities, which encouraged assertions of the public character of these institutions, and of the nation's distinct cultural identity. One striking aspect, however, was the absence of women from the formal proceedings, and failure to acknowledge the then current issue of women's admission to higher education.


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