scholarly journals “The Jesuits of our time”: The Jesuit Stereotype and the Year 1917 in Finland

2018 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 9-32
Author(s):  
Ainur Elmgren

The tenacious negative stereotypes of the Jesuits, conveyed to generations of Finnish school children through literary works in the national canon, were re-used in anti-Socialist discourse during and after the revolutionary year of 1917. Fear of the Bolshevik revolution in 1917 paradoxically strengthened the negative stereotype of “Jesuitism,” especially after the attempted revolution by Finnish Socialists that led to the Finnish Civil War of 1918. The fears connected to the revolution were also fears of democracy itself; various campaigning methods in the new era of mass politics were associated with older images of Jesuit proselytism. In rare cases, the enemy image of the political Jesuit was contrasted with actual Catholic individuals and movements.

1974 ◽  
Vol 64 ◽  
pp. 62-78 ◽  
Author(s):  
A. W. Lintott

The battle of Bovillae on 18th January, 52 B.C., which led to Clodius' death, was literally treated by Cicero in a letter to Atticus as the beginning of a new era—he dated the letter by it, although over a year had elapsed. It is difficult to exaggerate the relief it afforded him from fear and humiliation for a few precious years before civil war put him once more in jeopardy. At one stroke Cicero lost his chief inimicus and the Republic lost a hostis and pestis. Moreover, the turmoil led to a political realignment for which Cicero had been striving for the last ten years—a reconciliation between the boni and Pompey, as a result of which Pompey was commissioned to put the state to rights. Cicero's behaviour in this context, especially his return to the centre of the political scene, is, one would have thought, of capital importance to the biographer of Cicero. Yet two recent English biographies have but briefly touched on the topic. It is true that, in the background of Cicero's personal drama, Caesar and Pompey were taking up positions which, as events turned out, would lead to the collapse of the Republic. However, Cicero and Milo were not to know this, nor were their opponents; friendly cooperation between the two super-politicians apparently was continuing. Politicians on all sides were still aiming to secure power and honour through the traditional Republican magistracies, and in this pursuit were prepared to use the odd mixture of violence, bribery and insistence on the strict letter of the constitution, which was becoming a popular recipe. In retrospect their obsession with the customary organs of power has a certain irony. Yet it is a testimony to the political atmosphere then. Their manoeuvres are also important because both the instability caused by the violence of Clodius and Milo, and the eventual confidence in the rule of law established under Pompey's protection, helped to determine the political position of the boni associated with Pompey in 49 B.C. Cicero's relationship with Milo is at first sight one of the more puzzling aspects of his career. What had they in common, except that Milo, like most late Republican politicians, was at one time associated with Pompey? Properly interpreted, however, this relationship may not only illuminate Cicero's own attitudes but illustrate the character of the last years of Republican politics.


Author(s):  
Alan Knight

The rebel leaders of 1914 purged opponents and imposed their will by force. This new radicalism had three dimensions: personnel, policy, and practice. ‘The Revolution in power’ describes the two crucial and related issues that now occupied the political agenda: could the victorious rebels—Villa, Zapata, Carranza, and Obregón—agree, first, on a common programme and, second, on a common government which would enact it? The final big bout of civil war ran from 1914 to 1915 with the winner being Carranza due to the superior generalship of the supporting Obregón and the Carrancista. The challenges and responses of the Carranza government and the 1917 Constitution are also described.


Author(s):  
Sergey A. Kislitsyn

The article highlights the political biography of the Don Bolshevik, the Bolshevik figure of the second plan A.A. Frenkel, who played a significant role during the civil war on the Don. Special attention is paid to Fren-kel's activities as part of the tragic expedition of F.G. Podtelkov, his work as a secretary of the Donburo of the RCP(b) - a special Bolshevik body for organizing underground work in the rear of Denikin's troops. Attention is drawn to the mediating influence of the extraordinary nature of the struggle of the Donburo of the RCP(b) with the Denikin regime on the implementation of an extremist policy of terrorist storytelling in fundamentally new conditions after the liberation of the region from the white troops. An attempt to explain his rejection of the cruel anti-Cossack policy and the subsequent conflict with the majority of the Donburo is made. His party work after the Civil War is covered. Contributing to the strengthening of the Stalinist-Bolshevik regime, Fren-kel became its zealot and immanent victim during the period of personnel repression of the 1930s. Frenkel, as a typical Bolshevik leader at the regional level, reflected in his biography the characteristic features of Bolshevism as a unique phenomenon.


Author(s):  
Evgeniya Vasilyeva

This article is dedicated to the questions of party building of the constitutional democrats of Siberia during 1917 – 1920, which is one of most tragic periods of the Russian history. Based on the analysis of  published and archival materials and documents of the central and local committees of the People's Freedom Party in Eastern Russia during the Revolution and Civil War, the goal is set to determine the causes and follow the trends of changes in composition of the party, vector and nature of the activity of Siberian cadet groups. The research relies on the fundamental principles of scientific objectivism and historicism, which allows examining the topic in dynamics and in relation to the specific socioeconomic, political, and cultural circumstances that developed during this period. The scientific novelty consists in demonstration of the dynamics and identification of the causes of changes in composition and tactics of the Siberian cadet groups throughout the Revolution of 1917 and the Civil War. Emphasis is placed on the “democratic counter-revolution” and the political regime of A. V. Kolchak. The conclusion is made that the nature of organizational party activity of the Siberian cadets is determined by a range of factors, namely local conditions and events that unfolded in the capital of Russia. A considerable influence was produced by the directives of the Central Committee of the People's Freedom Party, political orientations of the All-Russian National Center, and the experience acquired by the party and its leaders during the Revolution of 1917 and the Civil War.


Slavic Review ◽  
1988 ◽  
Vol 47 (4) ◽  
pp. 667-686 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert Blobaum

The Revolution of 1905-1907 in Russian-ruled Poland, with its dramatic manifestation of the transformation of the country’s political culture, marks a major, if not entirely appreciated, watershed in modern Polish history. Influenced, if not sparked by events in the central provinces of the Russian Empire, most notably Bloody Sunday, the revolution in Russian Poland quickly acquired a momentum of its own based on local conditions. In Poland the revolution was characterized by several nationwide general strikes and the sudden emergence of a viable labor movement; by a long, bitter, and partially successful boycott of the Russified school system; by unprecedented popular striving for the benefits of secular culture and education; by the gmina (communal) movement in the countryside that aroused a large part of the Polish peasantry from its traditional indifference to national issues; and by the rapid growth of political and social organizations that claimed to represent the interests of mass constituencies. Preceded by four decades of fundamental demographic, economic, and social change, the revolution propelled the largest and most significant part of Poland into a new era of broad, popular participation in the political, social, and cultural life of the country.


2020 ◽  
Vol 20 (2020) (2) ◽  
pp. 359-394
Author(s):  
Jurij Perovšek

For Slovenes in the Kingdom of the Serbs, Croats and Slovenes the year 1919 represented the final step to a new political beginning. With the end of the united all-Slovene liberal party organisation and the formation of separate liberal parties, the political party life faced a new era. Similar development was showing also in the Marxist camp. The Catholic camp was united. For the first time, Slovenes from all political camps took part in the state government politics and parliament work. They faced the diminishing of the independence, which was gained in the State of Slovenes, Croats and Serbs, and the mutual fight for its preservation or abolition. This was the beginning of national-political separations in the later Yugoslav state. The year 1919 was characterized also by the establishment of the Slovene university and early occurrences of social discontent. A declaration about the new historical phenomenon – Bolshevism, had to be made. While the region of Prekmurje was integrated to the new state, the questions of the Western border and the situation with Carinthia were not resolved. For the Slovene history, the year 1919 presents a multi-transitional year.


2016 ◽  
Vol 14 (3) ◽  
pp. 93-99
Author(s):  
Игорь А. Исаев

The article deals with one of the most important issues in the Soviet political and legal history. The choice of the political form that was established almost immediately after the victory of the Bolsheviks in the Revolution of 1917, meant a change in the direction of development of the state. Councils became an alternative to the parliamentary republic. The article analyzes the basic principles of both political systems and the reasons for such a choice. The author emphasizes transnational political direction of the so-called “direct action” which took place not only in Russia, but also in several European countries.


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