scholarly journals Defending the Traditional Polish Way of Life: The Role of Fantasies

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Francesco Melito

Defending the Traditional Polish Way of Life: The Role of FantasiesThe current escalation of the cultural conflict in Poland is described as a cultural war between neo-traditionalist and liberal worldviews. Drawing on psychoanalytic political theory and Poststructuralist Discourse Theory (PDT), fantasmatic narratives are deemed as an instrument to conceal the non-necessary character of identities. Based on the direct observation of the counter-marches against LGBT parades in Kalisz, Lublin, and Kraków (2019–2020), this article shows how fantasies define the ‘authentic Polish way of life’: from the traditional family in an idyllic scenario (beatific fantasy) to the ‘LGBT virus’ (horrific fantasy), fantasies sustain a neo-traditionalist conception of Polishness and exclude antagonistic visions. Also, religious symbols are sublimated to embody the lost unity: a harmonious society without the conflict generated by the liberal value system. The fantasmatic logic analyzed in the article explains how neo-traditionalist fantasies strengthen identities and provide the necessary ideological ground to resist the emancipatory impetus of liberalism. Broniąc tradycyjnego polskiego stylu życia. Rola fantazjiAktualnie zaostrzający się konflikt kulturowy w Polsce określa się mianem wojny kulturowej między światopoglądem neotradycjonalistycznym a liberalnym. Odwołując się do psychoanalitycznej teorii politycznej i poststrukturalistycznej teorii dyskursu, autor uznaje fantazmatyczne narracje za narzędzie maskujące niekonieczny (non-necessary) charakter tożsamości. Na podstawie bezpośredniej obserwacji kontrmanifestacji organizowanych jako sprzeciw wobec marszów równości w Kaliszu, Lublinie i Krakowie (2019–2020) w artykule zaprezentowano, w jaki sposób fantazje definiują „prawdziwy polski styl życia”: poczynając od obrazu tradycyjnej rodziny w sielankowym otoczeniu (beatific fantasy), na „wirusie LGBT” (horrific fantasy) kończąc, fantazje podtrzymują neotradycjonalistyczną koncepcję polskości i wykluczają jej odmienne wizje. Z kolei symbole religijne zinstrumentalizowano tak, by ucieleśniały utraconą jedność – harmonijne społeczeństwo bez konfliktów wywoływanych przez liberalny system wartości. Fantazmatyczna logika analizowana w artykule pozwala wyjaśnić, jak neotradycjonalistyczne fantazje wzmacniają tożsamości i dostarczają niezbędnej podstawy ideologicznej, aby stawić opór emancypacyjnemu naporowi liberalizmu.

2019 ◽  
Vol 17 (3) ◽  
pp. 310-325 ◽  
Author(s):  
Julia Mourão Permoser

This article critically reviews the literature on morality policies and the politics of values, focusing in particular on the question of what defines morality policies as a specific policy field. Drawing from both US American and European literature, it surveys to which extent morality policies can be understood as a particular form of contention over primary values, a way of framing, a cultural conflict, a specific type of politics, or a class of substantive policy issues. The article then develops a new approach that draws on political theory and pays particular attention to the role of religion, arguing that morality policies reflect deep divisions within modern societies over key principles of political liberalism.


2020 ◽  
Vol 18 (9) ◽  
pp. 176-184
Author(s):  
Vasilina A. Stepanova

The article deals with the analysis of the refraction of the metaplot about the Grand Inquisitor in the traditionalist prose of the turn of the 20th-21st centuries. The complex of motives presented in the legend of the Grand Inquisitor corresponds to the crisis of the value system characteristic of the traditionalism of this period (new traditionalism). The crisis is accompanied by the loss of reference points as such, a situation of extreme uncertainty: the worldview dualism inherent in ‘classical’ traditionalist prose is replaced by multivariance. The role of the Grand Inquisitor, creating a false but acceptable system of values, plays a patriarchal way. In the works of B. Ekimov, M. Tarkovsky, R. Senchin the following the patriarchal way of life, traditional peasant work on the land does not allow one to support the family, to ensure the continuation of the family. The only alternative found by F. Dostoyevsky is forgiving love, which opens the way to otherness, which was previously open to any patriarchal hero. In crisis periods, it is given only to those who are capable of conscious choice, to sacrifice / self-sacrifice for the sake of another, which allows to overcome chaos and non-existence.


Author(s):  
Ruth Kinna

This book is designed to remove Peter Kropotkin from the framework of classical anarchism. By focusing attention on his theory of mutual aid, it argues that the classical framing distorts Kropotkin's political theory by associating it with a narrowly positivistic conception of science, a naively optimistic idea of human nature and a millenarian idea of revolution. Kropotkin's abiding concern with Russian revolutionary politics is the lens for this analysis. The argument is that his engagement with nihilism shaped his conception of science and that his expeditions in Siberia underpinned an approach to social analysis that was rooted in geography. Looking at Kropotkin's relationship with Elisée Reclus and Erico Malatesta and examining his critical appreciation of P-J. Proudhon, Michael Bakunin and Max Stirner, the study shows how he understood anarchist traditions and reveals the special character of his anarchist communism. His idea of the state as a colonising process and his contention that exploitation and oppression operate in global contexts is a key feature of this. Kropotkin's views about the role of theory in revolutionary practice show how he developed this critique of the state and capitalism to advance an idea of political change that combined the building of non-state alternatives through direct action and wilful disobedience. Against critics who argue that Kropotkin betrayed these principles in 1914, the book suggests that this controversial decision was consistent with his anarchism and that it reflected his judgment about the prospects of anarchistic revolution in Russia.


Author(s):  
Mek Wok Mahmud ◽  
Sayed Sikandar Shah Haneef

Reversion to Islam while opening golden opportunities for a revert in terms of divine guidance and spiritual salvation is coming with somewhat insurmountable challenges in terms of Islamization of the self, family and contributions to the overall development of Malaysia as a multi-religious country. This is especially so when Islam as an official religion has made the issue of Islamization of the Malaysian society and its systems amongst the pivotal national agendas in the country.  As to what is the role of Chinese Muslims (reverts) in the process, studies, among others, have purported to present the statistics about their share in socio-economic development. Similarly, empirical studies point to the odds faced by this community at personal, family and community levels in their path for transition to the full Islamic way of life. To the presenters of this paper, however, the macro dimension of what it means to become a Muslim which is essential for adjustment to the Islamic requirements has not been sufficiently highlighted in discourses in the area. Accordingly, this paper presents the position statements on Islamic expectations from Chinese reverts with the purpose of motivating them to achieve greater things in the area of Islamization of their community and the nation to the effect. Keywords: Chinese converts, Islamization, expectations and challenges. Abstrak kembalinya seseorang kepada agama Islam selain dari membuka peluang keemasan dalam mendapat  petunjuk Ilahi dan pengisian rohani turut disertai dengan cabaran yang amat sukar untuk diatasi termasuklah cabaran Islamisasi diri, keluarga serta sumbangan kepada pembangunan keseluruhan Malaysia sebagai negara berbilang agama. Hal ini menjadi satu keutamaan terutamanya apabila Islam memegang status sebagai agama rasmi persekutuan yang menjadikan isu Islamisasi masyarakat Malaysia sebagai satu agenda nasional. Bagi menjayakan agenda ini, peranan umat Islam dari kalangan masyarakat Cina (cina muslim) juga perlu diambil kira. Statistik menunjukkan cina muslim turut mempunyai bahagian dalam menyumbang terhadap pembangunan sosio-ekonomi negara. Dalam pada masa yang sama, kajian empirikal membuktikan adanya bentuk bentuk cabaran yang dihadapi oleh komuniti ini di peringkat peribadi, keluarga dan komuniti dalam perjalanan mereka untuk kembali kepada cara hidup Islam yang sepenuhnya. Bagi kami pengkaji kertas ini, dimensi makro dalam menjadikan dan mengertikan  seseorang itu Muslim terutamanya dalam menyesuaikan diri dengan ajaran  Islam masih belum cukup diberi  penjelasan dan penerangan yang sewajarnya. Oleh itu, makalah ini cuba menerangkan idea dan cadangan yang berguna kepada cina muslim dengan tujuan memotivasikan  mereka bagi  mencapai kejayaan  yang lebih besar dari aspek Islamisasi di kalangan komuniti mereka seterusnya memberi sumbangan kepada negara. Kata kunci:  Cina Muslim, Islamisasi, harapan dan cabaran.


Author(s):  
Sarah Stewart-Kroeker

Christ’s healing of humanity consists, crucially, in forming human beings for loving relationship with himself and others. In this respect, Christ also takes the role of the beautiful beloved. Believers become pilgrims by falling in love with the beautiful Christ by the initiative of the Holy Spirit, who cleanses their eyes to see him as beautiful and enkindles desire in their hearts. By desiring and loving the beautiful Christ, the believer is conformed to him and learns to walk his path. Desiring the beautiful Christ forms a believing community shaped aesthetically and morally for a particular way of life: pilgrimage to the heavenly homeland. Formation is both earthly and eschatological, for so too is the journey and the activity of the pilgrim.


Author(s):  
Sara Brill

Aristotle on the Concept of Shared Life studies Aristotle’s understanding of the political character of human intimacy via an examination of the zoological frame informing his political theory. It argues that the concept of shared life, i.e. the forms of intimacy that arise from the possession of logos and the capacity for choice, is central to human political partnership, and serves to locate that life within the broader context of living beings as such, where it emerges as an intensification of animal sociality. As such it challenges a long-standing approach to the role of the animal in Aristotle’s thought, and to the recent reception of Aristotle’s thinking about the political valence of life and living beings.


Author(s):  
Geoffrey Parsons Miller

This chapter explores the thesis that the historical narratives of the Hebrew Bible address abstract ideas about politics, government, and law. Taking issue with critics who view the Bible’s spiritual and theological message as incommensurable with political philosophy, the chapter argues that the stories of politics and kingship in the Hebrew Bible’s historical books set forth set forth an impressive political theory that rivals, in some respects, the work of Plato, Aristotle, and other Greek thinkers. The key is to bring out the general ideas behind the specific narrative elements. The chapter illustrates this thesis by examining the Hebrew Bible’s treatment of a number of classic problems of political theory: anarchy, obligation and sovereignty, distributive justice, and the comparative analysis of political organizations.


2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (Supplement_1) ◽  
pp. 754-754
Author(s):  
Brian de Vries ◽  
Gloria Gutman ◽  
Helen Kwan ◽  
Katrina Jang ◽  
Shimae Soheilipour ◽  
...  

Abstract Focus groups were held with family/decision makers of residents in an exclusively Chinese (EC; N=7) and a multi-ethnic (ME; N=8) care home, as well as South Asian (SA; n = 5) and lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender caregivers (LGBT; n = 5) who had/have a loved one in a care home. Shared themes across groups included the role of the care home in Advance Care Planning (ACP) discussions, the timing of such discussions (i.e., at admission), and the extent to which another person was available and appropriate for such discussions. Issues unique to groups included superstition and the equation of ACP with funeral planning (EC), family history and regrets about not having planned (ME), gender differences and the need for education about ACP (SA) and the absence of traditional family among LGBT older adults. These themes highlight the challenges in ACP among diverse populations and the need for targeted interventions.


1959 ◽  
Vol 53 (3) ◽  
pp. 742-756 ◽  
Author(s):  
Heinz Eulau ◽  
John C. Wahlke ◽  
William Buchanan ◽  
Leroy C. Ferguson

The problem of representation is central to all discussions of the functions of legislatures or the behavior of legislators. For it is commonly taken for granted that, in democratic political systems, legislatures are both legitimate and authoritative decision-making institutions, and that it is their representative character which makes them authoritative and legitimate. Through the process of representation, presumably, legislatures are empowered to act for the whole body politic and are legitimized. And because, by virtue of representation, they participate in legislation, the represented accept legislative decisions as authoritative. But agreement about the meaning of the term “representation” hardly goes beyond a general consensus regarding the context within which it is appropriately used. The history of political theory is studded with definitions of representation, usually embedded in ideological assumptions and postulates which cannot serve the uses of empirical research without conceptual clarification.


Author(s):  
Jeremy Horder

AbstractPhilip Pettit has made central to modern republican theory a distinctive account of freedom—republican freedom. On this account, I am not free solely because I can make choices without interference. I am truly free, only if that non-interference does not itself depend on another’s forbearance (what Pettit calls ‘formal’ freedom). Pettit believes that the principal justification for the traditional focus of the criminal law is that it constitutes a bulwark against domination. I will, in part, be considering the merits of this claim. Is the importance of the orthodox realm of the criminal law solely or mainly explained by the wish to protect people from domination? In short, the answer is that it is not. Across the board, the criminal law rightly protects us equally from threats to what Pettit calls ‘effective,’ as opposed to formal, republican freedom. I will develop my critique of Pettit’s account of criminal law, in part to raise questions about the role of ‘domination’ in political theory, and about whether it poses a significant challenge to liberal accounts of criminal law.


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