Reaching a vanishing point? Reflections on the future of neutrality norms in Sweden and Finland

2012 ◽  
Vol 47 (2) ◽  
pp. 271-284 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hans Lödén

This rejoinder article takes the contributions in the Special Issue of Cooperation and Conflict – Vol. 46(3) – on Neutrality and ‘Military Non-Alignment’ as point of departure for a discussion of some of the problems former neutrals face in shaping their foreign and security policies. The author argues that current and future developments regarding neutrality norms are dependent on internal factors such as national identity and public opinion, and on external factors such as the military non-aligned states’ relationships to EU, NATO and, not least, the UN. The possibility of a ‘Second Option’ of full-scale military cooperation if a preferred neutral position fails is discussed. Increased UN activism, for example, connected with the R2P concept and the tendency to outsource major UN-mandated military operations to NATO, is touched upon as well as the Libya crisis of 2011 and some of its implications for European foreign and security policy cooperation. Special attention is given to current Swedish debates on military non-alignment and NATO membership.

Author(s):  
A. V. Groubinko

In the article on the basis of the original chart of the theoretical conceptual system of Eurointegration's development offered by an author base principles of Great Britain's participation in common foreign and security policy (CFSP) of the European Union are examined. The country’s role in the processes of forming EU's CFSP is determined in the context of leading theories of Eurointegration. The evolution of British government's policy participation in the system of political co-operation in the European Union, character of its influence on the processes of Eurointegration in the sphere of foreign and security policies are analysed. CFSP as a specific sphere of co-operation of the EU's states fully represents conceptual dichotomy of European Union essence at level «intergovernmental - supranational». CFSP is the segment of the EU's legal reality which is historically based on intergovernmental co-operation, and in modern terms characterized by the expressed elements of funcional supranational institucialisation and insignificant strengthening of federalism. Great Britain conceptual approaches to forming EU's CFSP lie traditions of pragmatical and functional realistic approach with the elements of federalist co-operation, externalism and minimum of institucialism. For activity of British governments is inherent pistorical heredity of participating in political integration within the framework of Common Europe. It's mean a successive policy of inhibition federalist supranational tendencies, propagandas of the evolutional going to development of integration processes and it distribution on new spheres. Such approaches are correspond to the model of selective-sectoral integration or «Europe a la carte» ofThatcherist standards, which in the process of realization under influence of objective (mainly external) factors evolved to practical embodiment of such more soft models of flexible integration, as «multi-speed integration» and «Europe of variable geometries». The noted approaches to CFSP allow government on the different historical stages to have retentive or stimulant influence on the integrational processes.


2015 ◽  
Vol 07 (04) ◽  
pp. 88-98
Author(s):  
Maria Thaemar Camanag TANA

This paper explores the impact of Japan’s new security posture on its human security policy. By looking at external and internal factors and by examining the interaction among different actors at different levels, the paper argues that despite the changes in Japan’s foreign aid and security policies, Japan will continue to pursue human security as a pillar in its foreign policy.


Author(s):  
Mikołaj KUGLER

This article addresses the issue of Poland's troop contributions to US-led military operations, which for Poland constituted a salient instrument for attaining its security policy goals. It is argued that the United States of America played a pivotal role in Poland’s security policy, and by providing it with active support for the military operations in which the US exercised political and/or military leadership, Poland hoped to advance its security agenda. This assumption stemmed from America’s leading role in the global system and a conviction that it could influence its development in the way suiting the Polish interest. The article is in four parts. First, it examines the significance of foreign deployments as an instrument for attaining Poland’s security policy goals. Next, it explains the role the United States was assigned in Poland’s security policy. After that, it recounts the operations of Polish military contingents in US-led allied and coalition military operations. Finally, it discusses whether and how the engagement in those operations contributed to enhancing Poland’s security. The article embraces the period from the first military operation to which Poland deployed troops following the collapse of the Communist bloc in 1991 to the termination of the ISAF operation, which has had the largest Polish presence to date, in 2014. Keywords:


2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 179
Author(s):  
Luerdi Luerdi ◽  
Amri Hakim

This paper aims to explain Turkey's border security policy in dealing with non-state actors in Northern Syria. Turkey's policy was carried out after five years of involvement in the Syrian crisis and one month after a failed coup attempt. This study uses the theory of securitization by Buzan that explains the existence of threat and vulnerability factors faced by the state in anarchic international structures. The research method used in this study is a qualitative method with the type of causality analysis. This paper found that threats and vulnerabilities pushed Turkey to launch a series of military operations as border security policies to rid North Syria of ISIS and PKK/PYD/YPG militias to control the adverse effects caused by the presence of non-state actors such as civilian and military casualties, property damage, as well as instability and disintegration. The border security policy confirms the increasingly important role of Turkey in the region while demonstrating Turkey's consistency in pursuing national security interests even outside its territory


2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 45-64
Author(s):  
Krisztina Juhász

Abstract Hungary joined the European Union in 2004 but started to participate in EU crisis management operations well before. Since the Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) was a new policy area at that time, it was an extraordinary experience for Hungary to be integrated into a policy still under development. Aft er briefly detailing the foreign and security policy options Hungary faced right after the transition from communism, this paper analyses Hungary’s contribution to the CSDP. The CSDP is based on two pillars — one operational and the other related to capability-building. The paper first analyses Hungary’s participation in the civilian and military operations launched in the framework of the CSDP. Specifically, it explores the operations Hungary has joined, the kind of capacities it has contributed and the deficiencies and problems that have emerged in this sphere. Second, the paper addresses Hungary’s perspectives and aspirations regarding capability development. Specifically, it looks at how Hungary views the future of the CSDP, especially in light of the country’s participation in permanent structured cooperation (PESCO), the central element in the EU’s joint defence capability development. Methodologically, the paper employs qualitative content and discourse analysis, drawing on relevant secondary literature and analyses of official EU and Hungarian (legislative and non-legislative) documents. Surveying Hungary’s participation in EU crisis management operations since the beginning of the CSDP, the paper finds it has joined 42 per cent of civilian and 70 per cent of military operations. These have been in the immediate neighbourhood but also distant locations (Africa, Central Asia, and the Near East). At the same time, distinct challenges have hampered Hungary’s contribution to certain operations, such as a dearth of foreign language skills and a lack of strategic airlift and mobile logistics capabilities. The paper also finds that regional defence cooperation was not the central driver of cooperation within PESCO projects. Overall, Hungary is somewhere in the middle of the pack in terms of the number of PESCO projects it participates in.


2021 ◽  
pp. 299-320
Author(s):  
Ana E. Juncos

This chapter examines the institutional arrangements in the European Union’s (EU’s) Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP). The chapter first charts the historical development of this policy, with foreign policy cooperation being one of the last policy areas to emerge at the EU level. Thus, many of the institutions operating in this area have only been recently established, including the High Representative, the European External Action Service, and many of the administrative bodies supporting the implementation of the EU’s Common Security and Defence Policy, which comprises the EU’s civilian and military operations. The chapter then analyses the main institutional actors involved in the CFSP, focusing on their ability to shape the decision-making and implementation of this policy. The following sections also examine the five dimensions of EU institutional politics and how these play out in this particular area, highlighting the key challenges the EU faces in becoming a fully fledged international actor.


2020 ◽  
Vol 16 (4) ◽  
pp. 565-586 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tim Haesebrouck ◽  
Patrick A Mello

Abstract Recent studies on political ideology suggest the existence of partisan divides on matters of foreign and security policy, challenging the notion that “politics stops at the water's edge.” However, when taken as a whole, extant work provides decidedly mixed evidence of party-political differences outside domestic politics. This article first conducts a systematic empirical analysis of the relationship between parties’ left–right positions and their general attitude toward peace and security missions, which suggests that right-leaning parties tend to be more supportive of military operations. Yet, the results also show that the empirical pattern is curvilinear: centrist and center–right parties witness the highest level of support for military missions, while parties on both ends of the political spectrum show substantially less support. The second part of our analysis examines whether the stronger support of rightist parties for peace and security missions translates into a greater inclination of right-wing governments to actually deploy forces for military operations. Strikingly, our results suggest that leftist governments were actually more inclined to participate in operations than their right-leaning counterparts. The greater willingness of left-wing executives to deploy military forces is the result of their greater inclination to participate in operations with inclusive goals.


2021 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-12
Author(s):  
VLADLENA V. Tikhova

Introduction. This paper analyzes the history of development of the European Union’s political and military cooperation. The author gives an in-depth review of the origins of the European integration, its reasons and key political figures who played the crucial role in this process. The author shows that the establishment of cooperation between West European countries right after 1945 dealt with projects that were not implemented. Much attention is paid to the activities of the Western European Union (WEU) that played a considerable role in shaping the Common Foreign and Security Policy of the European Union. The article also presentshow different the members of the European Union are, how the views of the European countries vary in many areas and how difficult it is to coordinate the positions of the member-states on important issues concerning the foreign, security and defense policy of the European Union.Materials and methods. Building on the system analysis of the theories of international relations, international integration and the materials of related sciences such as political and conflict resolution studies the author considers the development stages of the European countries’ political and military collaboration from the establishment of the EuropeanDefense Community to the European Political Cooperation.Results. Proceeding from the results of the analysis the author concludes that the activities aimed to build military and political collaboration of the European states had laid a solid foundation to establish the second pillar of the EU - the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) by the time the Maastricht Treaty was signed in 1992.Discussion and conclusions. The materialsof this paper describe the stages and historicalroots of the development of the military and political collaboration of the European countries. Complexities and contradictions that are inherent in this process explain the challenges the EU’s current foreign, security and defense policies have to face.


2009 ◽  
Vol 40 ◽  
pp. 83-102 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gencer Özcan

AbstractThe article deals with the decline in the military's influence on the foreign and security policy making process in Turkey. Turkey's harmonization process with the EU that gained momentum in the early 2000s and the US invasion of Iraq in April of 2003 seem to have played a key role in this transformation. While the EU reforms provided for the gradual elimination of legal prerogatives of the military, the increasing US influence in Iraq limited the military's operational power and led to a situation in which it could not exert influence in Northern Iraq, a key area for Turkeys security.


2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. p1
Author(s):  
Abdolreza Alishahi ◽  
Hamid Soleimani Souchelmaei

These days, Trump’s actions have topped regional and world news. His new contracts for the sale of military weapons have created a wave of concern over the growing number of weapons in the world. The Trump administration has been drawing attention since coming in with repeated claims of direct entry into the military. By first proposing a safe zone in Syria, he sought to justify direct US presence in the West Asian region, which made modifications to his plan with Russian and Iranian opposition. Given Washington’s growing difficulty in entering the Syrian military, Trump has chosen a new option for the US body in the region, in which Trump has ordered the use of American drones to bomb various areas of Yemen under the pretext of combating Yemen. Al-Qaeda has given up. The main research question is what is the strategic importance of Yemen in Trump’s foreign and security policy? The findings of the study show that Trump, with goals such as tearing loops of resistance, removing Iran from regional equations and preventing the spread of Shi’ite waves to Saudi Arabia, took a tough and forceful approach to the developments in Yemen. He is reluctant to boycott American power in the region by engaging in showmanship and, with a business-minded and profit-driven view of Yemen, is pouring Western weapons stockpiles with Arab reactionary dollars into the region. The research method is descriptive-analytical based on aggressive realism.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document