scholarly journals Common concern for the global ecological commons: solidarity with future generations?

2021 ◽  
pp. 004711782110362
Author(s):  
Marianne Takle

This article elaborates on ideas concerning future generations and whether they are useful in understanding some aspects of the concern for the global ecological commons. The article’s main scholarly contribution is to develop analytical tools for examining what a concern for future generations would require of current generations. It combines the scholarly literature on future generations with that of solidarity. The ideas concerning future generations are interpreted in terms of an ideal typical concept of solidarity with future generations. This concept is divided into four dimensions: the foundation of solidarity, the objective of solidarity, the boundaries of solidarity and the collective orientation. By applying these four dimensions in the context of the political process leading to Agenda 2030, the potentials and limitations of the concept are evident. The article concludes that the absence of reciprocity between current and future generations and uncertainty about the future are both crucial issues, which cut across the four dimensions. We cannot expect anything from people who have not yet been born, and we do not know what preferences they will have. This shows the vulnerability of forward-looking appeals to solidarity with future generations. Nevertheless, such appeals to solidarity may give global political processes a normative content and direction and can thereby contribute to understanding common concerns for the global ecological commons.

2018 ◽  
Vol 14 (3) ◽  
pp. 433-459 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christina Ewig

AbstractLacking tools to measure substantive representation, empirical research to date has determined women’s substantive representation by identifying “women’s interests” a priori, with little attention to differences across race, class, or other inequalities. To address this problem, I develop the concept of intersectional interests and a method for identifying these. Intersectional interests represent multiple perspectives and are forged through a process of political intersectionality that purposefully includes historically marginalized perspectives. These interests can be parsed into three types: expansionist, integrationist, and reconceived. Identification of intersectional interests requires, first, an inductive mapping of the differing women’s perspectives that exist in a specific context and then an examination of the political processes that lead to these new, redefined interests. I demonstrate the concept of intersectional interests and how to identify these in Bolivia, where I focus on the political process of forging reconceived intersectional interests in Bolivia’s political parity and pension reforms.


1972 ◽  
Vol 24 (4) ◽  
pp. 498-517 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard C. Thornton

The past decade has witnessed a general advancement in comparative studies of communism. Yet, in comparing the conceptual development of the Soviet-East European and Chinese Communist fields, one is struck by the peculiarly arrested state of the Chinese side. By comparison, the “Kremlinologists” have produced a veritable storehouse of analytical tools with which they have contributed to the explanation of the nature and functioning of the Soviet political process and Soviet-East European interrelationship. Relatively little conceptual development is discernible in the China field. In this brief essay on comparative developments in the study of communism, I will attempt to compare the concepts which Western scholars have evolved to analyze the politics of the Communist world, account for different approaches, and analyze Chinese political history to determine the most meaningful approach. I speak of the nature and functioning of the political process in a restricted sense—the ways in which leaders interact, how political positions are attained and maintained, and, in general, the structure of leadership politics in the Communist world.


2019 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 210
Author(s):  
Didi Febriyandi

This paper looks at how the political dynamics that occurred in the Sebatik City expansion process in 2006-2012. The process of regional expansion can be understood as a political phenomenon by involving long administrative and political processes. This paper focuses on looking at political aspects so that it discusses in detail the interests of actors and how these actors articulate their interests. The research method used is descriptive qualitative. Primary data collection techniques are done through observation, structured interviews. For secondary data collection is done by documentation and library techniques.The results showed that the political process is complicated because it involves many interests of political actors making the Sebatik City expansion not realized until now. Although academic studies declared eligible and supported by the majority of Sebatik Island, high-level negotiations-negotiations have failed to realize Sebatik as Daera h Autonomy New (DOB). The political process that occurred did not create a consensus so that there was a conflict of interests that ultimately made the Sebatik City Expansion process hampered. Key Words: decentralization, regional autonomy, outer islands, division


2012 ◽  
Vol 18 ◽  
pp. 194-199
Author(s):  
Josep Mª Reniu

What criteria should guide the process of incorporating ICTs into political realm? Are ICTs, per definitionem, an instrument that always generates positive effects for political activity? Our reflection aims to influence the necessary and essential process of analysis prior to the introduction of ICT in the field of political processes, focusing primarily on the delimitation of its effects. In this sense it highlights the need to assess the added value of introducing a technological solution in the political process prior to do it, what will validate or not its desirability. There is, in this sense, the excessive use of "make-up" technology of political processes, that is, the absence of real & practical innovation.


2019 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 53-80
Author(s):  
Stanislav Sheverdyaev ◽  
Alina Shenfeldt

As a result of intensive international debate and the adoption of a number of renowned international anticorruption conventions and initiatives in the 1990s and 2000s, the issue of corruption has become a convenient theme for different kinds of generalizations in social sciences. However, national legislation does not reflect these developments in its legal regulation due to conservatism inherent in jurisprudence. One of the most evident gaps in this respect is the sphere of political corruption. While political science and political economy for decades have been successful in explaining political processes in different countries as corrupt conspiracies of political elites, business structures, and other actors in the political process, legal science has kept itself separate from such problems and prefers to deal with individual acts of corruption. But if for criminal law such an approach seems logical due to the methodology of the criminal law, for other branches of law which set forth a systemic view on social processes – primarily administrative and constitutional – there seems to be an omission.Nowadays, there is a quite favourable environment for the development of a consistent legal understanding of anticorruption in Russia. This has become possible thanks to current Russian administrative reforms, when the need for a highly professional bureaucracy led to a greater demand for various anticorruption mechanisms. The next possible step in Russia may be an attempt to ensure the effectiveness of well-proven anti-corruption methods of the political system as a whole.In this article we propose a brief background to the evolution of the concept of political corruption in Western and Russian political and legal science, which entails the necessity of complex scientific legal synthesis on this issue, allows to discuss the existing methodological potential and creates new opportunities to build up appropriate systemic legislative models.


wisdom ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 38-47
Author(s):  
Emil Ordukhanyan

In modern world various transformations have an impact on social and political processes of the society. Even cultural changes somehow depend on these transformations. Therefore, social and political phenomena need new approaches for their study, where the political culture has its proper relevance. The article explores the theoretical and methodological foundations of political culture based on the analysis of foreign and Armenian scholars works. The behavioral, psychological, comparative and other approaches as well as methods of political culture analysis are examined. In a result of generalization of theoretical approaches and summarizing the outcomes obtained from a comparative analysis of political culture methodologies, we can define political culture as the aggregate of political ideas, knowledge, traditions and values; as a whole of political participation and behavior models; as a relatively stable link between political consciousness and socialization, between stages and levels of political communication tools and political institutions, which defines the political process and which is expressed through the political discourse.


2021 ◽  
Vol 27 (2) ◽  
pp. 52-64
Author(s):  
Т. Beydina ◽  
◽  
O. Pogulich ◽  
Yа. Durov ◽  
А. Novikova ◽  
...  

The article is relevant, since it provides an assessment of anti-corruption policy as a political process at the regional and local levels. Purpose of the article: to identify the stages of the political process on anti-corruption policy focused on the prevention of the negative consequences of corruption. The levels of the political process, as substantiated in the article, are associated with the development of socio-economic and political differences between regions. The identification of these levels is the scientific novelty of this study. In the modern period, there is a crisis of international relations, globalization and the strengthening of national trends, including in the dynamics of the development of political processes. The fight against terrorism, the COVID-19 epidemic, environmental problems, and anti-corruption policies are not united in a global perspective, but “disintegrate” into national apartments and become problems of individual countries, not the entire modern community. This is the specificity of the political process at the global and national levels. The article is devoted to the problems of managing economic security, and combating corruption of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Russian Federation for the Transbaikal Region (hereinafter UEBiPK UMVD of Russia for the Transbaikal Region), further which is part of the police. This organization is an operational subdivision that carries out, within its competence, operational-search activities directed against crimes in relation to state power, the interests of the civil service and service in local government bodies. The specificity of the activities of the UEBiPK UMVD of Russia for the Transbaikal Region is the identification and documentation of economic, corruption malfeasance, as well as the implementation of operational support for anti-corruption policy. Anti-corruption policy as a political process in the Transbaikal Region is unstable, taking into account the cross-border specifics and has four levels: detection, response, prevention and evaluation of effectiveness. This conclusion is a scientific achievement of the authors. In addition, the author analyzes the political stability that is necessary for the implementation of the anti-corruption policy of the Transbaikal Region. The main thrust of this policy is economic crimes committed using information and communication technologies. The article describes the effectiveness of anti-corruption policy in the Transbaikal Territory


Politics ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 38 (3) ◽  
pp. 253-262 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrea LP Pirro ◽  
Paul Taggart

The European Union has been recently exposed to the multiple shocks of the Great Recession, the migrant crisis, and Brexit. Populist parties have been, either directly or indirectly, considered the principal beneficiaries of these crises in light of their Eurosceptic profiles. In this introductory article, we lay out the conceptual and analytical tools necessary to identify populist Eurosceptic actors, and systematically tackle the under-explored link between populist Eurosceptic framing and the unfolding of the different European crises. While we provide a framework to assess (alleged) changes in the framing of these parties, we also contend that these parties may have released effects in the political process by conditioning shifts in the positions on Europe of their mainstream competitors. In doing so, we define a set of possible interactive scenarios.


Author(s):  
Yu. Zavgorodnya

The article focuses on the values of the role of cybersecurity in the modern information society. To develop an effective system of interaction in the information space, there is a need to form boundaries of protection for users. The system of protection that exists in society is aimed at resolving the contradictions that arise at the level of actual confrontation and significant influence on political processes with clearly defined subjects of political activity. For the modern world, the subjects of global governance pay serious attention to the level of security of the management system in individual countries and regions, which indicates the effectiveness or imbalance in the management system. Also, the role of such an entity at the supranational level of the management system. Therefore, the chosen topic is quite relevant for the global process of interaction and taking into account the views of individual regions. In addition, effective protection of cyberspace will help reduce the level of manipulation by political actors, which will help increase the level of political culture among politicians and the level of political awareness among ordinary citizens. The article analyzes modern scientific approaches to understanding the concept of cybersecurity and cybersecurity, provides a generalized description of these concepts, identifies modern forms of security in cyberspace, analyzes the state of cybersecurity in the Ukrainian information space and defines its status as a subject of global interaction in the information space. In the political process, an integral element of interaction is the information space, as the modern platform for public relations between policy actors has been reformatted in the latest ways, and therefore the mechanisms of influencing citizens become innovative and demonstrate uncertain response from society and possible ways of political development. events. As a result, a number of mechanisms need to be put in place to protect all cyberspace users who engage in public communication on important policy issues.


2018 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 181-190
Author(s):  
A. S. Seidumanov

In recent decades, the political process in Kazakhstan has gone through several stages of its development. Each of them was associated with the specifics development of the Kazakh state, reflecting, among other things, the level of economic and social development.After gaining independence, the political process in Kazakhstan was held in the conditions of growing economic problems, reorientation of trade and economic relations. The country’s leadership faced the need to address urgent socio-economic tasks and, at the same time, to prevent political chaos and anarchy.Formation and subsequent development of the institution of the presidency, the formation of the party system, the development of parliamentarism required the alterations, and subsequently the adoption of a new version of the Basic Law of Kazakhstan. Its adoption made it possible to achieve the functioning of a strong presidential power in the country, combined with the presence of ideological pluralism, the development of the party system.The problems of Kazakhstan’s political development were constantly in the field of view of the country’s leadership. After 2007, the president of the country initiated a course for a gradual redistribution of powers between the executive and legislative branches of power. The task was set to expand the powers of the legislature, while maintaining a strong presidential branch of power. Such changes were dictated by the tasks of Kazakhstan’s political development, its economy, active participation in integration projects, as well as greater involvement of the country in world political processes.In the past few years, the political process in Kazakhstan has been marked by large-scale changes that reflect the incompleteness of political reform. A key element of the transformation is the creation of a system of power in which strengthening the presidential-parliamentary form of government will reflect the need to strengthen the role of parties. At the same time, in 2017– early 2018 various initiatives aimed at enhancing the stability of the existing political system are discussed in the country, which should give greater stability and predictability to the political process in Kazakhstan, creating the basis for its stable social and economic development. 


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