IMPLEMENTATION OF ANTI-CORRUPTION POLICY IN THE DEPARTMENT OF ECONOMIC SECURITY AND COUNTERACTION OF CORRUPTION OF THE ADMINISTRATION OF MINISTRY OF INTERNAL AFFAIRS OF RUSSIA FOR THE TRANSBAIKAL REGION, AS A POLITICAL PROCESS

2021 ◽  
Vol 27 (2) ◽  
pp. 52-64
Author(s):  
Т. Beydina ◽  
◽  
O. Pogulich ◽  
Yа. Durov ◽  
А. Novikova ◽  
...  

The article is relevant, since it provides an assessment of anti-corruption policy as a political process at the regional and local levels. Purpose of the article: to identify the stages of the political process on anti-corruption policy focused on the prevention of the negative consequences of corruption. The levels of the political process, as substantiated in the article, are associated with the development of socio-economic and political differences between regions. The identification of these levels is the scientific novelty of this study. In the modern period, there is a crisis of international relations, globalization and the strengthening of national trends, including in the dynamics of the development of political processes. The fight against terrorism, the COVID-19 epidemic, environmental problems, and anti-corruption policies are not united in a global perspective, but “disintegrate” into national apartments and become problems of individual countries, not the entire modern community. This is the specificity of the political process at the global and national levels. The article is devoted to the problems of managing economic security, and combating corruption of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Russian Federation for the Transbaikal Region (hereinafter UEBiPK UMVD of Russia for the Transbaikal Region), further which is part of the police. This organization is an operational subdivision that carries out, within its competence, operational-search activities directed against crimes in relation to state power, the interests of the civil service and service in local government bodies. The specificity of the activities of the UEBiPK UMVD of Russia for the Transbaikal Region is the identification and documentation of economic, corruption malfeasance, as well as the implementation of operational support for anti-corruption policy. Anti-corruption policy as a political process in the Transbaikal Region is unstable, taking into account the cross-border specifics and has four levels: detection, response, prevention and evaluation of effectiveness. This conclusion is a scientific achievement of the authors. In addition, the author analyzes the political stability that is necessary for the implementation of the anti-corruption policy of the Transbaikal Region. The main thrust of this policy is economic crimes committed using information and communication technologies. The article describes the effectiveness of anti-corruption policy in the Transbaikal Territory

2021 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 8-20
Author(s):  
Khanlar A. Gadzhiev

Feedback is one of the most significant elements for political system’s functioning. Not only social and political stability depend on the effectiveness of its channels and mechanisms, and the extent of it being taken into account in the political process, but also resilience of the political system constructed. During the digital age, when the political processes in society are much more intensive in the society and the process of opinion exchange is more open, authorities, on the one hand, have significantly more opportunities for monitoring, analysis and consideration of feedback in order to correct the political course being pursued, and on the other hand, rapid response and decision making are required from authorities. It is primarily connected to the great degree of penetration of the online-environment into peoples’ lives. Here emerged many threatens and risks for authorities connected with the possibility of destructive impact on public opinion and attempt to manipulating it. For this goal the article tries to define the essence of political feedback and its significance for today’s political process; its basic components and their role in political system’s functioning are stated; the potential of political feedback from the point of view of enhancing the effectiveness of decision made by the authorities and adequate response to the public enquiries and demands; finally, the main possible barriers on the way of realization of political feedback.


2018 ◽  
Vol 21 (10) ◽  
pp. 133-140
Author(s):  
I. V. Ishchenko ◽  
D. V. Dyachenko

In the field of scientific research is the selection and use of approaches for analyzing the state of the political system of society. The collapse of the colonial system, the socialist camp led to the formation of a significant number of states by transitional political regimes. Intensive globalization processes accelerated the already contradictory socio-political processes in transitional and quasi-democratic states. Despite the lack of experience of statehood in some countries, or the lack of democratic political traditions and practices, led to the formation of contradictions between formal and informal rules by the institutions of transitional societies. In the context of the study of the interaction of formal and informal institutions, the question of the use of situational analysis and the synergetic approach, in the process of studying the causes, consequences and the essence of political stability of the instability, is actualized. In cases of situational analysis, it is especially important to note that the essence of the method consists in studying both formal institutions (organizational forms) and informal (practices, models and rules of the game) - as the main subjects and objects of the political process. At the same time, if the situational analysis simply states the presence of certain formal or informal designs, the synergetic approach allows us to trace the dynamics and development of political processes. Considering the political system in which energy acts as the information produced by such formal institutions as political parties and organizations, the synergetic method allows us to consider the system as a self-regulating organization capable of arming the manifestations of political instability. Or vice versa - as a system artificially restraining social entropy, and therefore doomed to destruction, as a result of the action of attractors: economic, political, social, environmental, in the cases of our research.With the help of general scientific (historical, systematic, functional, sociological), general logical methods (analysis, synthesis, induction, deduction, analogy, abstraction) and the methods of politological theoretical and applied learning (institutional, structural comparative, comparative, axiological, behavioral), the analysis of the influence of non-institutional factors on the procedural, organizational and structural aspects of the political system is performed. Research allows us to reveal the essence, structure and consequence of existing processes in the political system. The synergistic method and situational approach details the existing processes, enabling to conduct a correct analysis of the relevant processes. Thus, it can be concluded that these two methods make it possible to qualitatively evaluate and demand. This allows us to correct the actual political practice, towards stabilizing the political environment.


2018 ◽  
Vol 11 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 167-188
Author(s):  
Abdu Mukhtar Musa

As in most Arab and Third World countries, the tribal structure is an anthropological reality and a sociological particularity in Sudan. Despite development and modernity aspects in many major cities and urban areas in Sudan, the tribe and the tribal structure still maintain their status as a psychological and cultural structure that frames patterns of behavior, including the political behavior, and influence the political process. This situation has largely increased in the last three decades under the rule of the Islamic Movement in Sudan, because of the tribe politicization and the ethnicization of politics, as this research reveals. This research is based on an essential hypothesis that the politicization of tribalism is one of the main reasons for the tribal conflict escalation in Sudan. It discusses a central question: Who is responsible for the tribal conflicts in Sudan?


2021 ◽  
pp. 004711782110362
Author(s):  
Marianne Takle

This article elaborates on ideas concerning future generations and whether they are useful in understanding some aspects of the concern for the global ecological commons. The article’s main scholarly contribution is to develop analytical tools for examining what a concern for future generations would require of current generations. It combines the scholarly literature on future generations with that of solidarity. The ideas concerning future generations are interpreted in terms of an ideal typical concept of solidarity with future generations. This concept is divided into four dimensions: the foundation of solidarity, the objective of solidarity, the boundaries of solidarity and the collective orientation. By applying these four dimensions in the context of the political process leading to Agenda 2030, the potentials and limitations of the concept are evident. The article concludes that the absence of reciprocity between current and future generations and uncertainty about the future are both crucial issues, which cut across the four dimensions. We cannot expect anything from people who have not yet been born, and we do not know what preferences they will have. This shows the vulnerability of forward-looking appeals to solidarity with future generations. Nevertheless, such appeals to solidarity may give global political processes a normative content and direction and can thereby contribute to understanding common concerns for the global ecological commons.


2018 ◽  
Vol 14 (3) ◽  
pp. 433-459 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christina Ewig

AbstractLacking tools to measure substantive representation, empirical research to date has determined women’s substantive representation by identifying “women’s interests” a priori, with little attention to differences across race, class, or other inequalities. To address this problem, I develop the concept of intersectional interests and a method for identifying these. Intersectional interests represent multiple perspectives and are forged through a process of political intersectionality that purposefully includes historically marginalized perspectives. These interests can be parsed into three types: expansionist, integrationist, and reconceived. Identification of intersectional interests requires, first, an inductive mapping of the differing women’s perspectives that exist in a specific context and then an examination of the political processes that lead to these new, redefined interests. I demonstrate the concept of intersectional interests and how to identify these in Bolivia, where I focus on the political process of forging reconceived intersectional interests in Bolivia’s political parity and pension reforms.


Author(s):  
Sergey Volodenkov

Introduction. The author aims to analyze the phenomenon of information interference with national political processes in the conditions of the contemporary information society and the evolution of the Internet as a space of political communications. The article shows that the digital information intervention is relevant and at the same time, a complex multidimensional phenomenon of contemporary politics. In many respects, the potential of the digital interference phenomenon is closely related to the essential features of functioning and the transformation of the contemporary Internet, which has been actively used when changing political regimes in many countries. The problem of information security and sovereignty of the present state on the Internet is becoming one of the most urgent in the conditions of the rapid development of information and communication technologies. Methods and materials. The issues identified in the article are investigated using the methods of comparative, structural-functional and normative analysis, included observation, as well as the case-study method. The method of scientific forecasting and scripting techniques has allowed to form a scenario for the effective settlement of international conflicts in the field of information security. The empirical base of the study is reports of foreign experts, official materials of state authorities of the Russian Federation and foreign countries, reports of Freedom House international organization, official speeches and statements by the heads of state on the issues outlined in the work. Analysis. Countering external information expansion is becoming one of the most critical tasks of effective political governance at the state level to preserve the sovereignty of the national political communication space, including domestic segments of the Internet. The initiatives of states to form the sovereign national segments of the Internet space are, on the one hand, an attempt to protect their political systems from external influence and invasion, to ensure their own political stability, and on the other hand, they create risks for the democratic potential of the Internet. The article substantiates the thesis that the phenomenon of interference in elections in actual practice often becomes not so much an objective process as an instrument of information warfare, mass political propaganda and discrediting political opponents, a manipulative tool that can be actively used not only by authoritarian regimes with a low level of democratic development. Results. The study shows that differences in understanding and defining the essence of the Internet by various countries give rise to a significant potential for political conflicts on a global scale. This circumstance leads the author to the conclusion that it is necessary to form international institutions capable of preventing and regulating information conflicts in the Internet space, as well as reducing global political risks (including risks associated with potential interference in the electoral process of sovereign states). The implementation of this scenario will allow forming a collective responsibility in the functioning of the global Internet.


German Angst ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 130-157
Author(s):  
Frank Biess

This chapter shifts the focus from fears and anxieties that primarily resulted from the Federal Republic’s external situation to internal fears. The modernization and stabilization of West German society generated their own fears. This chapter focuses on fears of automation during the late 1950s and 1960s. Contrary to conventional wisdom, West Germans did not display an unabashed optimism about technology but were keenly aware of the ambivalent consequences of technological progress. In particular, they remembered the negative consequences of the rationalization movement of the 1920s and their impact on the political stability of the Weimar Republic. The chapter analyzes first the debate about technology among West German intellectuals such as Friedrich Pollock, Helmut Schelsky, and Arnold Gehlen. It then focuses on the broader cultural debate on automation that brought into view anxieties about structural unemployment, deskilling of workers, and psychological impact of automation. As a case study, the chapter then analyzes the confrontation of the largest West German industrial union, IG Metall, with automation. Labor unions did not respond to automation with optimism but were keenly aware of its potentially detrimental effects. A more skeptical attitude toward automation and technological progress more generally thus predated the economic crisis of the 1970s.


2019 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 210
Author(s):  
Didi Febriyandi

This paper looks at how the political dynamics that occurred in the Sebatik City expansion process in 2006-2012. The process of regional expansion can be understood as a political phenomenon by involving long administrative and political processes. This paper focuses on looking at political aspects so that it discusses in detail the interests of actors and how these actors articulate their interests. The research method used is descriptive qualitative. Primary data collection techniques are done through observation, structured interviews. For secondary data collection is done by documentation and library techniques.The results showed that the political process is complicated because it involves many interests of political actors making the Sebatik City expansion not realized until now. Although academic studies declared eligible and supported by the majority of Sebatik Island, high-level negotiations-negotiations have failed to realize Sebatik as Daera h Autonomy New (DOB). The political process that occurred did not create a consensus so that there was a conflict of interests that ultimately made the Sebatik City Expansion process hampered. Key Words: decentralization, regional autonomy, outer islands, division


2012 ◽  
Vol 18 ◽  
pp. 194-199
Author(s):  
Josep Mª Reniu

What criteria should guide the process of incorporating ICTs into political realm? Are ICTs, per definitionem, an instrument that always generates positive effects for political activity? Our reflection aims to influence the necessary and essential process of analysis prior to the introduction of ICT in the field of political processes, focusing primarily on the delimitation of its effects. In this sense it highlights the need to assess the added value of introducing a technological solution in the political process prior to do it, what will validate or not its desirability. There is, in this sense, the excessive use of "make-up" technology of political processes, that is, the absence of real & practical innovation.


2019 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 53-80
Author(s):  
Stanislav Sheverdyaev ◽  
Alina Shenfeldt

As a result of intensive international debate and the adoption of a number of renowned international anticorruption conventions and initiatives in the 1990s and 2000s, the issue of corruption has become a convenient theme for different kinds of generalizations in social sciences. However, national legislation does not reflect these developments in its legal regulation due to conservatism inherent in jurisprudence. One of the most evident gaps in this respect is the sphere of political corruption. While political science and political economy for decades have been successful in explaining political processes in different countries as corrupt conspiracies of political elites, business structures, and other actors in the political process, legal science has kept itself separate from such problems and prefers to deal with individual acts of corruption. But if for criminal law such an approach seems logical due to the methodology of the criminal law, for other branches of law which set forth a systemic view on social processes – primarily administrative and constitutional – there seems to be an omission.Nowadays, there is a quite favourable environment for the development of a consistent legal understanding of anticorruption in Russia. This has become possible thanks to current Russian administrative reforms, when the need for a highly professional bureaucracy led to a greater demand for various anticorruption mechanisms. The next possible step in Russia may be an attempt to ensure the effectiveness of well-proven anti-corruption methods of the political system as a whole.In this article we propose a brief background to the evolution of the concept of political corruption in Western and Russian political and legal science, which entails the necessity of complex scientific legal synthesis on this issue, allows to discuss the existing methodological potential and creates new opportunities to build up appropriate systemic legislative models.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document