Filipino Women in Australia: Practising Citizenship at Work

2005 ◽  
Vol 14 (3) ◽  
pp. 293-326 ◽  
Author(s):  
Glenda Lynna Anne Tibe-Bonifacio

Filipino women comprise more than half of the Philippine-born population in Australia. They adopt Australian citizenship readily and have high labor force participation. In this article, I examined Filipino women's practice of Australian citizenship in the world of work. Based on in-depth interviews with 36 Filipino women, I adopted feminist conception of citizenship which considers paid work as well as caring work in the domestic sphere. Findings from the study suggest that becoming an Australian citizenship not only provides Filipino women membership in the political community. More importantly, it empowers them to negotiate their subject position as racialized immigrant women in the labor market. Negotiating gender roles in the family, however, is a different arena.

2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (4) ◽  
pp. 38-43
Author(s):  
MARIETA EPREMYAN ◽  

The article examines the epistemological roots of conservative ideology, development trends and further prospects in political reform not only in modern Russia, but also in other countries. The author focuses on the “world” and Russian conservatism. In the course of the study, the author illustrates what opportunities and limitations a conservative ideology can have in political reform not only in modern Russia, but also in the world. In conclusion, it is concluded that the prospect of a conservative trend in the world is wide enough. To avoid immigration and to control the development of technology in society, it is necessary to adhere to a conservative policy. Conservatism is a consolidating ideology. It is no coincidence that the author cites as an example the understanding of conservative ideology by the French due to the fact that Russia has its own vision of the ideology of conservatism. If we say that conservatism seeks to preserve something and respects tradition, we must bear in mind that traditions in different societies, which form some kind of moral imperatives, cannot be a single phenomenon due to different historical destinies and differing religious views. Considered from the point of view of religion, Muslim and Christian conservatism will be somewhat confrontational on some issues. The purpose of the work was to consider issues related to the role, evolution and prospects of conservative ideology in the political reform of modern countries. The author focuses on Russia and France. To achieve this goal, the method of in-depth interviews with experts on how they understand conservatism was chosen. Already today, conservatism is quite diverse. It is quite possible that in the future it will transform even more and acquire new reflections.


2021 ◽  
pp. 79-94
Author(s):  
Kathleen Wellman

Although the ancient Greeks and Romans have long been appreciated as foundations for Western civilization, for these textbooks, the Greeks’ philosophy, gods, and immorality tar them as godless humanists. Nonetheless, the Greeks and the Romans allow these curricula to introduce several key social, political, and moral arguments. They assess whether ancient civilizations implemented the “family values” of the political right as it emerged in the 1970s. Thus the Greeks were commendable in excluding women from the public sphere and the Romans for their strong patriarchal families. But Rome fell when it failed to maintain family values. These textbooks disparage the Romans to downplay their influence on the American founding. Furthermore, the rise of Islam reveals the presence of Satan in the world. These curricula’s repudiation of the classical tradition reflects not only contemporary concerns of the religious right but also American anti-intellectualism.


1990 ◽  
Vol 4 ◽  
pp. 1-17
Author(s):  
James Turner Johnson

This article explores the Western cultural traditions of democracy and freedom which form a political ethic deeply rooted in the underlying philosophical and theological American heritage. Theories of Machiavelli, Montesqieu, and Niebuhr support the notion that the potential for virtue is found in all individuals, who, through their undeniable freedoms, responsibilities, and participation, have the capability to establish a political community based on democracy, justice, and respect for human rights. Virtue, justice, morality, ethics, freedom, and democracy are all necessary elements for establishing and maintaining the political community. Can history serve to uphold democracy as an ethical standard of governance? The author suggests that the basic and cross-temporal cornerstones of morality; the family and religion serve as “intermediate” social structures in attaining the central virtues of a moral democracy.


2020 ◽  
Vol 25 ◽  
pp. 17-29
Author(s):  
Kenneth L. Grasso ◽  

Steven D. Smith’s Pagans and Christians in the City takes its place alongside James Davison Hunter’s Culture Wars as one of the two truly indispensable books on today’s Culture Wars. It advances our understanding of today’s conflict by situating it historically and focusing our attention on its religious dimension. Smith argues that today’s conflict is the latest episode in a longstanding conflict between immanent forms of religiosity which locate the sacred in the world of space and time, and transcendent forms of religiosity which locate the divine beyond space and time. As compelling as it is, the volume’s argument would have been strengthened by a more sustained treatment of the nature of the political community and the essential role played within it by the truths held in common by the members concerning God, man, nature, and history.


2002 ◽  
Vol 18 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 169-195 ◽  
Author(s):  
Silvia López Estrada

This article reveals the array of time-space arrangements that a group of women home-based workers deploy to accommodate paid work in their homes. Based on in-depth interviews with the workers in Tijuana, Mexico, the article emphasizes the consequences of working at home for gender relations within the family. The main argument of this article holds that the variety of women’s time-space strategies may result in a variety of situations of integration or conflict. The diversity of ways in which women organize productive and reproductive activities within the household and their consequences are crosscut by their social class, occupation, educational level, and life course, as well as the larger context of their lives. Although working at home, as a strategy of income generation, gives women a new economic role and helps them to negotiate their gender roles and relations, it also may reinforce women’s traditional roles.


2015 ◽  
Vol 30 (2) ◽  
pp. 320-334
Author(s):  
Silas W. Allard

In her essay “The Decline of the Nation-State and the End of the Rights of Man,” Hannah Arendt famously wrote, “Nobody had been aware that mankind, for so long a time considered under the image of a family of nations, had reached the state where whoever was thrown out of one of these tightly organized closed communities found himself thrown out of the family of nations altogether.” Surveying the aftermath of the world wars, the same aftermath that eventually led to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, Arendt found that a person had to be emplaced—the subject of a political space—in the state-oriented order of geopolitics to be cognizable as a subject of human rights. The stateless, being displaced, were excluded from such a regime of rights and from the global political community. Bare humanity, Arendt argued, was an insufficiently binding political identity. As she wrote in her arresting language, “The world found nothing sacred in the abstract nakedness of being human.”


1998 ◽  
Vol 31 (1) ◽  
pp. 43-55 ◽  
Author(s):  
William Zimmerman

The effects of divergent historical experiences, of differential exposure to the world outside the former Soviet Union, and of divergent industrial structure–all point in the direction of enormous attitudinal and evaluative cleavages across the regions of Ukraine. When we compare regional differences in perspectives on the political economy in Ukraine and views about whether Russia and Ukraine should be separate states, these differences are readily discernible. By extending the scope of items examined and by making explicit comparisons between data from Ukrainian and Russian samples, however, we achieve a somewhat more optimistic view about the prospects for community building in Ukraine. The relatively consensual assessment of citizenship conditions and the wide range of foreign policy matters about which dispositions of Ukrainians are separable from those of persons from regions reported in this paper provide some evidence of an emerging Ukranian political community.


2019 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 293-303
Author(s):  
Daniel Mark ◽  

Some critics question new natural law theorists’ conception of the common good of the political community, namely, their interpretation of St. Thomas Aquinas and the conclusion that the political common good is primarily instrumental rather than intrinsic and transcendent. Contrary to these objections, the common good of the political community is primarily instrumental. It aims chiefly at securing the conditions for human flourishing. Its unique ability to use the law to bring about justice and peace and promote virtue in individuals may make the common good of the political community critically important. Nevertheless, it is still not an intrinsic aspect of human flourishing. Unlike the family or a religious group, membership in a political community is not an end in itself.


2016 ◽  
Vol 38 (18) ◽  
pp. 2594-2619 ◽  
Author(s):  
Noelle Chesley

Historically, breadwinning is linked to cultural ideologies about masculinity and fatherhood, suggesting contemporary breadwinner mothers confront a gendered cultural ideal. I draw on 42 in-depth interviews with mothers and fathers in 21 couples in which women provide 80% to 100% of the family income to better understand mothers’ breadwinning. Few mothers self-identify as providers; just 38% of women (and their husbands) reported that wives were the family’s primary financial provider. Interviews indicate that while these mothers feel financial pressures similar to those reported by male breadwinners, their experience can also be characterized by the role it plays in undermining husbands’ masculinity and in deepening conflicts between employment and mothering. Overall, while adopting gender-atypical roles may promote change in the direction of greater equality, as when mothers get more serious about paid work or feel accomplishment as a breadwinner, this process is constricted by embedded cultural ideals of mothering and masculinity.


1980 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
pp. 317-346
Author(s):  
John Sharpless ◽  
John Rury

Recent work in women's history suggests that the dramatic rise in female labor force participation in the first decades of the twentieth century cannot be understood solely in terms of labor market forces. Although thedemandfor female labor increased substantially between 1900 and 1920 (Oppenheimer, 1970), such variables as religion, education, ethnicity, and social class interacted to determine thesupplyof women available for hire at any one time. It should not be surprising, therefore, that “cultural” variables such as these also served to limit the ability of women to improve their position in the labor market generally. This article will examine the ways in which the family and work environments interacted to determine the responsiveness of working women to different sorts of organizations which (theoretically) could have assisted them in altering the basic conditions of their work and family experiences.


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