scholarly journals Understanding Central Asia’s Security and Economic Interests

2019 ◽  
Vol 75 (1) ◽  
pp. 29-42
Author(s):  
Nirmala Joshi ◽  
Kamala Kumari

Central Asia has always been at the centre of global power play, due to its geographic location in the centre of Eurasia and its abundant natural resources that have attracted world attention. It has, however, been caught in the vortex of international politics. An interplay of globalisation, technology and geopolitics is evident in the evolving Eurasian politics. Connectivity projects, rail, road and energy pipelines are criss-crossing the region. Its geographical proximity to Afghanistan—part of its geopolitical space—impinges on its efforts to build peace and stability. Regional cooperation is gradually taking shape in Central Asia and holds the promise of their status as independent entities. As Afghanistan is crucial for them, as well as for the world at large, understanding the security and economic issues of Central Asia becomes important. This article apart from highlighting the security and economic interests would also delineate the challenges accompanying these issues keeping the potential perspective in mind.

2017 ◽  
pp. 127-138
Author(s):  
Francisco Gómez Martos

Twenty five years after the dissolution of the former Soviet Union and the reemergence of the Central Asian Republics as independent States, this region continues to be the scene of rivalries amongst the big powers (Russia, China, the European Union, USA, India, Japan, Turkey and Iran) competing in a sort of a “new Grand Game” to increase their geopolitical and economic influence in the region. Its geography, diverse and rich natural resources, like oil and gas, explain the ongoing hidden rivalries. Despite its common historical and cultural past, Central Asia constitutes a heterogeneous region with a multiethnic and multi-linguistic composition and a low degree of physical, economic and trade integration. The lack of mutual trust, the persisting tension over borders and the use and sharing of natural resources, as well as different levels of economic performance have so far jeopardized the development of genuine regional cooperation. Against this background, the idea behind the Chinese OBOR Initiative to develop rapid transportation, if well implemented, could theoretically, by improving interregional connectivity, develop the Central Asia regional market and foster intergovernmental cooperation and people-to-people contacts within the region. In this context, could we expect that the ambitious Chinese OBOR Initiative will boost geopolitical stability and promote shared economic and trade benefits in Central Asia? What are the conditions for that need to be fulfilled?The author analyzes in depth certain crucial political, economic and institutional requirements for the successful implementation of the OBOR Strategy and concludes, however, that three years after the launching of this crucial instrument of the Chinese “globalization without democracy” model, its implementation faces major problems and thus raises more doubts than certainties.


2015 ◽  
Vol 15 (4) ◽  
pp. 272-293 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ryszard M. Czarny

Abstract The increased interest in the Arctic by global players is generated by new economic opportunities related to commercial maritime transport, development of oil and gas deposits, mining, fisheries, and tourism. The natural results are closer economic and geopolitical relations between the Arctic and the rest of the world. Many observers perceive this development as a source of growing conflict because of competition related to control over the natural resources of the region. It seems also quite clear that the Arctic cannot follow its own original way of development which would be independent from the global power system.


Author(s):  
Y.I. Chizhmodii ◽  
◽  
P.V. Tokar ◽  

The international cooperation that takes place between the countries of the EU and Central Asia is important from both political and economic points of view. Central Asia is an important partner for the European Union due to its advantageous geographic location between Europe and Asia. Therefore, the EU, as well as the neighboring countries of Central Asia are striving to establishclose ties with this region. Based on the analysis of the data, the article argues that due to the presence of a powerful resource base, the subjects under consideration have all the opportunities for the development of the economy at a high level. Cooperation with foreign partners, well-chosen development priorities, projects to improve the transport infrastructure can make this macro-region one ofthe largest economic giants in the world.


2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (20) ◽  
pp. 123-136
Author(s):  
Sabina Malikova

The dominant worldpowers, whose qualification of being a power center got stronger with globalization, have had a structure that affects everywhere. These powers could not be expected tore main in different to Central Asia. Because the Central Asia Region has an interesting structure with it srich underground and above ground resources. Considered as the first homeland of the Turks, Central Asia is a part of the world that has always been the domain of sovereignty wars in the historical process. The Turks, who have been living in Central Asia since the earliest times of history, have been in the struggle of the world's global powers. The great effects of the global competition, sometimes between the great powers with in there gionand sometimes by the powers outside the region, have always been felt. Russia and China have more opportunities in Central Asia than distant global powers. For this reason, various invasions, regional wars, division strategies, in short, power wars in Central Asia have become an unchangeable fate. Inthisstudy, the economic relations in Central Asiaand the position of the global powers, which can also be named as Great Powers, were evaluated with the method of theoretical analysis. As a result of this evaluation, it has been determined that the economic interests of the great powers of the world are effective on the basis of even various regional, ethnological and religious conflicts. Especially Russia and China's divide-and-rule policy has been the determinant of the fate of the Central Asian people for the last three centuries. It was as if the set wopower sagreed with each other and shared and invaded the regions and as a result, the poverty of the societies in Central Asia increased while the exploitation order they formed strengthened themselves.


Author(s):  
D F Gurinovich

Considered in the paper transregional Institute, they are a new political format in the development of the multidimensionality of the conditions of contemporary globalization. The BRICS is increasingly developing global opportunities for effective, intensive and equitable international cooperation not only in the interests of the participating countries, but also ensure a maximum level of stability, security and progress of the world system, its progressive and steady development. The study of various aspects of TRANS-regional development of modern political institution, represented by the BRICS, is caused by the fact that the mechanism of its development depends not only on economic interests but also on political stability and regional cooperation of its member countries.


2019 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 41
Author(s):  
D. A. Abgadzhava ◽  
A. S. Vlaskina

This article will present the result of an analysis of the geopolitical and geo-economic interests of China, Russia and the United States in the Central Asian region. Central Asia is a field of world power collision because of this region is characterized by an advantageous geostrategic position, communication and energy opportunities, and a significant stock of natural resources. The strategy implemented by China is aimed to cooperate in the development and transportation of hydrocarbon raw materials, the development of the region’s energy potential, the development of hydro resources, the development of transport communications, and industrial facilities. China takes first position of investments and loans in the economy of the republics. There is a cooperation in the fight against terrorism, extremism, drug crime. The United States is pursuing its own national interests in Central Asia in the military-strategic sphere, as well as by investing in the development of the oil and gas industry. The weakening of Russia and China influence in the region also belongs to the national interests of the United States. The realization of Russian’s geopolitical interests is connected with ensuring national security by protecting state borders, combating terrorism and religious extremism, drug crime. Geo-economic interests are associated with the development and transportation of natural resources (hydrocarbon raw materials), cooperation in the energy and transport and transit sectors. In addition, in this article will be analyze a number of geopolitical models that characterize Russian policy in Central Asia.


2020 ◽  
Vol Volume 4 (Issue 3) ◽  
pp. 287-312
Author(s):  
Zaheer Ahmed Babar ◽  
Dr. Muhammad Abdul Quddus

Abstract This paper contributes to the debate about historical and geographic factors of institutional quality. It used non-economic factors which caused institutional quality better or worse. These non-economic factors are geographic location, colonial background, fractionalization in religion, language and ethnic, legal system and abundant of natural resources. This study took 68 countries all around the world which have developed and developing countries and apply simple OLS and 2SLS technique to explore the determinants factors. The study decomposed institutional quality into economic, legal and political institutions. Fractionalization with level of development and under the colonial background has negative affected the institutional quality. Colonization has negative impact on Institutional Quality but under the level of development, colonization has insignificant impact on Institutional quality. In this study without level of development natural resources has negative impact but under the level of development it has insignificant impact on institutional quality except economic institutions. Without level of development, Geographic location is a significant impact on all three kind of Institutions in this study but under the level of development, it has insignificant impact.


2021 ◽  
pp. 63-90
Author(s):  
Shaun Breslin

The chapter disaggregates different types and levels of authority and agency in China’s international interactions. It outlines a system of bounded autonomy where the state retains the ability to set overarching agendas, and also to control key levers of economic control that create and shape the nature of the market that others have to operate within. But this still leaves considerable freedom for others to pursue their own agendas under ‘normal’ circumstances, and to manipulate political agendas to serve local and private economic interests. The chapter also focusses in on domestic Chinese debates over its place in the world, and how studying them can give is a clearer understanding of how China’s place in the world looks from the inside out. In addition to showing how these debates have evolved, the chapter also shows how a consensus of sorts has emerged over what China might (or should) seek to achieve as a global power.


2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (8) ◽  
pp. 94-100
Author(s):  
Shukhrat Rakhmonov ◽  
◽  
Firuza Khamdamova

The article examines the international initiatives of Uzbekistan, put forward in the framework of international organizations and conferences, in order to strengthen regional cooperation with the countries of Central Asia. The authors note that these initiatives, coveringall areas of cooperation (political, economic, social, cultural, etc.), are being successfully implemented and contribute to strengthening the image of Uzbekistan in the world arena. The article examines the initiatives of Uzbekistan, put forward in the framework of international organizations and international conferences dedicated to cooperation in Central Asia


2021 ◽  
Vol 22 (3) ◽  
pp. 014-024
Author(s):  
Sergey Zhiltsov

The highly favorable geographic location and rich natural resources are the main attractions of post-Soviet Central Asia. After the disintegration of the U.S.S.R, it became clear that different actors operated differently in this strategically important region. This area occupied different places in their strategies, and their goals were realized using different instruments. Regional disunity (Central Asian states then failed to tune up multilateral cooperation) brought grist to the mill of extra-regional players. Mutual political claims and personal ambitions of the regional leaders made it hard or even impossible to initiate common regional projects. Local contradictions in the water and energy sphere became a serious obstacle on the road towards political interaction when dealing with regional problems, environmental protection being one of them. In short, at that time, Central Asian countries did not yet master the art of pushing aside disagreements and problems for the sake of positive actions. Extra-regional actors capitalized on this fact without reservations. The U.S., the EU, Russia, China, India, Japan, and Turkey proceeded from their long-term interests when they tried to impose their political agenda on the local states and draw them into the sphere of their economic interests. Apparently, they preferred bilateral agreements with each of the Central Asian states, since their importance for each of the external players depended on their economic development, geopolitical significance and natural resources that they possessed. In recent years, the extra-regional states have revised and readjusted their Central Asian politics. Today, they prefer multilateral relations; in some cases, this format has been used for a long time, while other extra-regional countries have only recently employed the “5 + an extra-regional actor” format. Turkey and Japan are two leaders in this respect: they were the first to suggest this format, and others followed suit. Many countries limit their multilateral formats to the foreign minister level and, therefore, to declarations and joint statements. Regional states prefer this format, which allows them to balance out external players and address their own problems. Predictably, Central Asian countries are ready to be involved in multilateral formats.


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