scholarly journals The Enemy of My Enemy Is My Tweet: How #NotTheEnemy Twitter Discourse Defended the Journalistic Paradigm

2019 ◽  
Vol 97 (1) ◽  
pp. 188-210
Author(s):  
Kelsey N. Whipple ◽  
Jeremy L. Shermak

When U.S. President Donald Trump called the press the “enemy of the American people” and “FAKE NEWS” in a February 2017 tweet, his statement inspired a robust debate about the credibility, institutional norms, and national significance of the press, which were debated on social media by both journalists and non-journalists using the popular hashtag #NotTheEnemy. Because previous research suggests that elite discourse of “fake news” decreases public trust in the press, this tweet presented a unique danger to the journalistic paradigm and public trust in American journalism. Through a mixed-method approach combining quantitative content analysis and qualitative textual analysis, this research explores the major themes and dominant sentiments of this public discourse about the press and analyzes #NotTheEnemy’s contributions to reinforcing the journalistic paradigm in the wake of the president’s attack and its impact on American public opinion of and trust in the media.

2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 114-133

Since the 2016 U.S. presidential election, attacks on the media have been relentless. “Fake news” has become a household term, and repeated attempts to break the trust between reporters and the American people have threatened the validity of the First Amendment to the U.S. Constitution. In this article, the authors trace the development of fake news and its impact on contemporary political discourse. They also outline cutting-edge pedagogies designed to assist students in critically evaluating the veracity of various news sources and social media sites.


Journalism ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 146488492098540
Author(s):  
Emilia H Lopera-Pareja ◽  
Lorena Cano-Orón

The media are a key element in being able to assess how the climate of public opinion regarding Complementary and Alternative Medicines (CAM) has evolved over the years. The aim of this study is to explore the variation of the media representations along 40 years (1979–2018) in Spanish newspapers to assess if the press has contributed to legitimise, delegitimise or maintain the status quo of these therapies. From quantitative and qualitative approaches, we evaluate the media attention, the narratives, linguistic terms and tone used, and the relations between them. Results indicate the media reporting on CAM has remained relatively stable during the first 37 years (1979–2015) of the study, but in the last 3 years a radical change has been observed in media attention, tone, language and arguments used. Media representations of this issue evolves from a period of low media attention (1979–2015), in which CAM was legitimised, to another period of high media attention (2016–2018), in which CAM was delegitimised.


2018 ◽  
pp. 235-249
Author(s):  
Isabel Wschebor

ResumenEn el siguiente artículo se estudian diferentes factores que dan cuenta de la reaparición del concepto “masas” en el discurso público entre las décadas de 1950 y 1970 en Uruguay. El primero de ellos está relacionado con un realineamiento de diversos sectores y tendencias políticas dentro de los partidos tradicionales, tras el agotamiento de los modelos de acción política desarrollados en el período previo. Y el segundo, está asociado a una nueva utilización del término en el abanico de los partidos de izquierda. Globalmente, se trató de estrategias de captación de nuevas adhesiones, con el objetivo de legitimar nuevos proyectos políticos de respuesta a las modalidades de actuación tradicional, así como a la crisis económica. Se repasa también la incidencia que tuvo el desarrollo de los medios de comunicación —expansión de la prensa, generalización de la radio e inicios de la transmisión televisiva— como vía privilegiada de propagación de mensajes que debían reproducirse a un público extendido. Las nuevas estrategias de adhesión social por parte de la política y el uso de los medios de comunicación para ello, son analizados como síntomas del ingreso de una sociedad en las lógicas de la modernidad. Palabras claveMasas; Acción política; Medios de comunicación AbstractThe following article studies the different factors that show for the reappearance of the concept “masses” in public discourse between the 1950s and 1970s in Uruguay. The first of them is related to a realignment of different sectors and political tendencies within the traditional parties, after the exhaustion of the political action models developed in the previous period. And the second one, is associated with a new use of the term in the range of left parties. Globally, these were strategies for attracting new members, with the aim of legitimizing new political projects in response to the traditional methods of action, as well as the economic crisis. It also reviews the impact of the development of the media -expansion of the press, generalization of radio and the beginning of television broadcasting- as a privileged way of propagating messages that should be reproduced to an extended public. The new strategies of social adhesion on the part of the policy and the use of the means of communication for it, are analyzed as symptoms of the entrance of a society in the logic of the modernity. Key WordsMasses; Political action; Mass media  


2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 123
Author(s):  
Catiane Souza ◽  
Priscila Chéquer

O principal objetivo deste artigo é discutir sobre o fundamentalismo religioso enquanto emblema de posições políticas durante o período da pandemia no contexto brasileiro. Nesse intuito, inicialmente apresentamos a compreensão do fundamentalismo religioso, comentando os efeitos de sentidos que circulam em plataformas midiáticas do Brasil. Na sequência, analisamos um pronunciamento do Presidente Jair Bolsonaro. Para isso, nos apropriamos da noção de Formações Imaginárias, conceito teórico/analítico da Análise do Discurso da escola francesa. No terceiro item do artigo, ressaltamos os mecanismos que significam a ciência e a mídia como inimigas, sobretudo, em plena pandemia da COVID-19. No último item de discussão, refletimos sobre a circulação midiática de fake news que sustentam valores do fundamentalismo político-religioso. A aceleração da capacidade de circulação midiática, no cenário político de negacionismo científico, desvalorização da imprensa e imposição dos valores ultra tradicionais, destaca novos aspectos dos discursos fundamentalistas que contribuem para a ascensão e manutenção de um governo com tendência ao autoritarismo. Por fim, destacamos as reverberações sobre mídia e ciência identificadas nesse breve estudo como alvo de maior descrédito entre parcelas dos evangélicos e dos católicos. AbstractThe main objective of this article is to discuss religious fundamentalism as an emblem of political positions during the pandemic period in the Brazilian context. In this regard, we initially presented the understanding of religious fundamentalism, commenting on the effects of meanings that circulate in Brazilian media platforms. Following this, we analyzed a statement by President Jair Bolsonaro. For this, we appropriated the notion of imaginary formations, a theoretical/analytical concept of the French School’s Discourse Analysis. In the third item of the article, we highlight the mechanisms that turn science and the media as enemies, above all, in the middle of the Covid-19 pandemic. In the last item of discussion, we reflected on the media circulation of fake news that support values of political-religious fundamentalism. The acceleration of the capacity of media circulation, in the political scenario of scientific denialism, devaluation of the press and imposition of ultra traditional values, highlights new aspects of fundamentalist discourses that contribute to the rise and maintenance of a government with a tendency towards authoritarianism. Finally, we highlight the reverberations on media and science identified in this brief study as the target of greater discredit among parcels of Evangelicals and Catholics.


2019 ◽  
Vol 13 (3) ◽  
pp. 303-319 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christopher A Smith

The expression ‘Fake News’ inside Internet memes engenders significant online virulence, possibly heralding an iconoclastic emergence of weaponized propaganda for assaulting agencies reared on public trust. Internet memes are multimodal artifacts featuring ideological singularities designed for ‘flash’ consumption, often composed by numerous voices echoing popular, online culture. This study proposes that ‘Fake News’ Internet memes are weaponized iconoclastic multimodal propaganda (WIMP) discourse and attempts to delineate them as such by asking: What power relations and ideologies do Internet memes featuring the expression ‘fake news’ harbor? How might those manifestations qualify as WIMP discourse? A multimodal critical discourse analysis of a small pool of ‘fake news’ Internet memes drawn from four popular social media websites revealed what agencies were often targeted and from what political canons they likely emerged. Findings indicate that many Internet memes featuring ‘fake news’ are specifically directed, revealing an underlying hazard that WIMP discourse could diminish democratic processes while influencing online trajectories of public discourse.


2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 6-30
Author(s):  
Benjamin Krämer

The problem of “fake news” has received considerable attention both in public discourse and in scholarship. However, many have argued that the term should be avoided for ideological reasons or because it lacks clarity. At the same time, a growing body of literature investigates “fake news” empirically. We complement this discussion by reflecting on epistemological and methodological problems with the term “fake news” and the implications for possible solutions to the problem of disinformation such as automatic detection and increased media literacy. Based on the principle of symmetry established in the sociology of scientific knowledge, we show that a classification of messages according to the researcher’s assessment of their truthfulness can lead to biased or tautological explanations. We argue that many researchers commit themselves to the truth or falsehood of messages in cases where they should not and avoid such a commitment when it is necessary.


2018 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Mariya Nikolova

The paper outlines some of the challenges that PR experts are facing in their work in the so-called „Fake News Era”, dominated by misinformation and the need for verifying the facts published in social and traditional media. The main thesis of Gьnter Bentele’s theory of public trust is used to frame the basic idea about the lack of trust in the media in general. Some of his conclusions drawn in the 1990s, are similar to the results summarized today by two reports: Cision’s „State of the Media Report” (2017) and Edelman’s „Trust Barometer” (2017). The paper also presents a few case studies, related to the distribution of fake news that damage the prestige and the reputation of the affected companies (Pepsi Co, New Balance, Ferrero Croup). It poses the question about the extent to which we can talk about corporate communication management and strategies in the post-truth era and whether it would be more appropriate to include a Rumor Management strategy in the corporate communication strategy arsenal when a corporation needs to react to a piece of fake news in the post-truth era.


Author(s):  
Siti Aeisha Joharry ◽  
Nor Diyana Saupi

The International Convention for the Elimination of Racial Discrimination (ICERD), which was not ratified in Malaysia, created a heated public discourse in the media. This cross-linguistic comparative study investigates the representation of ICERD in Malaysian news reports of two online sources in Malaysia – the widely read English portal: The Star Online, and its Malay equivalent: Berita Harian. A corpus-assisted discourse analysis was conducted to examine how news on ‘ICERD’ were reported in both English and Malay online newspapers. Initial comparative analysis of both newspapers revealed that the search term co-occurs statistically more frequently with the verb ‘ratify’ and its equivalent: ‘meratifikasi’. Patterns indicate that ‘ICERD’ was mostly referring to the act of sanctioning the agreement –particularly to ‘not ratify’ or ‘tidak akan meratifikasi’, which is concurrent with the timeframe of events. Interestingly, different patterns can be found in Berita Harian (e.g. the expression of ‘thanks’ or gratitude of not ratifying ICERD) that are not as revealing in The Star Online reports. Some inconsistencies were also reported between the two newspapers, e.g. referring to different ministers’ speech about the initial plan to ratify ICERD alongside five (The Star Online) or six (Berita Harian) other treaties in the following year.  


Koneksi ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 215
Author(s):  
Wiwin Fitriyani ◽  
Ahmad Junaidi

Freedom of the Press is the right to express, disseminate ideas, organize, and so forth. Freedom of the Press is based on the provisions made by the Press Council called the Journalistic Code of Ethics. The Journalistic Code of Ethics is the professional ethics of journalists. As the party that disseminates information to the public, journalists need to practice the provisions of the Journalistic Code of Ethics which consists of 11 articles, because various news reports that journalists report should have an impact on society. Then, one of the news that received more attention from the public, namely regarding the relocation of the Indonesian capital. At that time, the news received various responses from various parties. Therefore, various media are aggressively producing news related to this, such as Liputan6.com. In this study, the Journalistic Code of Ethics analyzed with the news included article 1, 2, and 3. The purpose of this study was to determine the application of the Journalistic Code of Ethics in reporting the removal of the Indonesian Capital City on Liputan6.com. Theories used include news reporting and the Journalistic Code of Ethics. Then, for the research method used, namely quantitative content analysis using coding sheets to process, and analyze the data. The results of this study indicate Liputan6.com has implemented a Journalistic Code of Ethics, although of the 55 news samples there are still 19 news that do not meet the element of balance.Kebebasan pers merupakan hak untuk berekspresi, menyebarluaskan gagasan, dan berorganisasi. Kebebasan pers dilandasi oleh ketentuan yang dibuat Dewan Pers yang disebut Kode Etik Jurnalistik. Kode Etik Jurnalistik adalah etika profesi wartawan. Sebagai pihak yang menyebarkan informasi kepada khalayak, jurnalis perlu mempraktikan ketentuan Kode Etik Jurnalistik yang terdiri dari 11 pasal. Hal ini karena berbagai berita yang jurnalis laporkan akan memberi dampak pada masyarakat. Salah satu pemberitaan yang mendapatkan perhatian lebih dari masyarakat, yaitu mengenai pemindahan ibu kota Indonesia. Pada saat itu, kabar tersebut mendapatkan berbagai respon dari berbagai pihak. Oleh karena itu, berbagai media gencar dalam memproduksi berita terkait hal tersebut, salahsatunya Liputan6.com. Pada penelitian ini, Kode Etik Jurnalistik yang dianalisis dengan pemberitaan tersebut, antara lain pasal 1, 2, dan 3. Tujuan dari penelitian ini ialah untuk mengetahui penerapan Kode Etik Jurnalistik pada pemberitaan pemindahan Ibu Kota Indonesia di Liputan6.com. Teori yang digunakan diantaranya pemberitaan, dan Kode Etik Jurnalistik. Metode penelitian yang dipakai yakni analisis isi kuantitatif dengan memakai lembar codinguntuk mengolah, dan menganalisis datanya. Hasil dari penelitian ini menunjukan Liputan6.com sudah menerapkan Kode Etik Jurnalistik, meskipun dari 55 sampel berita masih terdapat 19 berita yang tidak memenuhi unsur keberimbangan.


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