Rap and Mizoued Music: Claiming a Space for Dissent and Protest in Post-Arab Spring Tunisia

2020 ◽  
Vol 25 (4) ◽  
pp. 626-643
Author(s):  
Zouhir Gabsi
Keyword(s):  
Arab Spring ◽  
Freedom Of Expression ◽  
Living Conditions ◽  
Global Recession ◽  
Shared History ◽  
Liberal Economy ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Government ◽  
Internal And External Factors ◽  
The Arab Spring

The Arab Spring in Tunisia has brought with it positive changes, such as freedom of expression and democracy. However, Tunisians have found that these applauded achievements have not improved their living conditions. After Ben Ali was ousted in 2010, the decline of Tunisia’s economy was exacerbated by internal and external factors such as global recession, a dysfunctional liberal economy, internal political infighting, and corruption. To ventilate their frustration and dismay with the government and the overall socio-economic situation in Tunisia, some Tunisians turn to the music of rap and Mizoued in search for a new space where there is solace and escapism. Mizoued music and rap deal with core issues about the living conditions in Tunisia, such as ḥarga (border jumping, clandestine migration). Most rappers and Mzēwdiyye (Mizoued players) represent the houma (neighbourhood), and it is their connection with frustrated youths and struggling Tunisians that influenced these two genres to merge and gain popularity in their shared history of marginalization. The purpose of this article is twofold. First, it analyses the points of convergence and divergence of these two genres in terms of themes and authenticity. Second, it discusses how rap and Mizoued discourses use the notion of ‘space’ in the development of the artists’ trajectories and narratives in three domains: cultural, political, and sociological. Within these domains, Bourdieu’s social concepts of habitus, cultural capital, and field throw light on how ‘taste’, power’, and ‘class’ are exercised in the three domains.

Paradox of Globalization: New Arab Publics? New Social Contract?

2013 ◽  
Vol 12 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 114-134 ◽  
Author(s):  
Leila DeVriese
Keyword(s):  
Social Media ◽  
Public Sphere ◽  
Information And Communication Technologies ◽  
Arab Spring ◽  
Freedom Of Expression ◽  
Contentious Politics ◽  
Political Strategy ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Public Sphere ◽  
The Arab Spring

AbstractBecause social media is playing an irrefutable role in the Arab Spring uprisings the central question in this article is to what extent Information and Communication Technologies (ICTs) in general, and social media in specific, are contributing to the democratization of the public sphere and shifting the monopoly on agenda setting in the Arab Gulf, particularly in the case of Bahrain? How will these technologies continue to shape contentious politics in the Middle East and will their utility for democratizing and expanding the public sphere persist in the aftermath of the Arab Spring? Or will the increasing liberalization of media and freedom of expression that had preceded the Arab Spring experience a repressive backlash as authoritarian states attempt to clamp down on social and traditional media—or even harness them for their own purposes as seen by Facebook intimidation campaigns against activists in Bahrain last Spring. Finally—using the lens of social movement theory—what repertoires of contention and political opportunity structures will pro-democracy activists use to keep their campaigns alive? Activists in the Gulf have not only incorporated the ICTs into their repertoire, but have also changed substantially what counts as activism, what counts as community, collective identity, democratic space, public sphere, and political strategy. Ironically this new technology has succeeded in reviving and expanding the practice of discursive dialog that had once characterized traditional tribal politics in the Arabian Peninsula.

Morocco: An Islamic Globalizing Monarchy within the Elusive Phenomenon of Arab Spring

2015 ◽  
Vol 95 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 145-172
Author(s):  
Francesco Alicino
Keyword(s):  
Arab Spring ◽  
The Other ◽  
Legal Tradition ◽  
African Region ◽  
Post Colonial ◽  
Political Perspective ◽  
Protection Of Human Rights ◽  
History Of ◽  
The One ◽  
The Arab Spring

Far from taking place in a vacuum, in Morocco the 2011 constitutional revision was assessed both from an internal political perspective and within the broader context of what has come to be called the ‘Arab Spring’. In this manner, the 2011 Moroccan Constitution has indeed marked an unprecedented change, declaring the State’s adherence to the protection of human rights, which are strictly related to the Western history of ‘secular constitutionalism’. Yet, in order to better understand the constitutional transition, one has to consider the religious characteristic of Moroccan monarchy which, on the other hand, makes it a prototype of a ‘globalizing monarchy’, especially within the context ofmena(Middle East and Nord African) region.The Moroccan constitutional transition can in fact be seen as a peculiar tool for taking into account endogenous and exogenous factors respectively. On the one hand, it allows us to investigate how an Islamic specific legal tradition interacts with some principles that represent the pillars of constitutional democracies and that, as such, have been universally recognised; at least in the West. On the other, the exceptionalism of ‘Moroccan spring’ lets us to evaluate how these very principles are contextualized in a peculiar context ofmenaregion; by which, for the same reasons, one can draw more general considerations concerning the relationship between the pressing process of globalization and post-colonial Muslim-majority States.

Searching a Political Solution for Syria

2017 ◽  
Vol 73 (2) ◽  
pp. 180-195 ◽  
Author(s):  
Saroj Kumar Rath
Keyword(s):  
Arab Spring ◽  
Islamic State ◽  
Pull Out ◽  
Transition Mechanism ◽  
Viable Solution ◽  
The Us ◽  
New Interpretation ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Arab Spring ◽  
Middle East Policy

Syria’s sudden plunge into civil struggle is directly linked with United States’ Middle East policy. The 2011 pull-out of American troops from the smouldering provinces of Iraq and the subsequent refusal of the US to take sides in the ‘Arab Spring’ have weakened the incumbent governments and produced too many unsuitable civil claimants to rule ‘Arab Spring’-affected countries. The so-called US neutrality left a vacuum, which was filled by a swarm of Islamist extremists. The resultant internecine wars sparked by contending parties in Iraq, Syria and Yemen had taken these countries to the very verge of chaos. The outcome among other things included a revival of al-Qaeda, which was soon eclipsed by Islamic State in Iraq and Syria (ISIS), and an unending spiral of civil war in Syria, the major result of the anti-Western blowback. This article argues that the fight against extremist forces in Syria is doomed if there is absence of a strong, functional and acceptable government. Lasting peace under President Bashar al-Assad looks impossible but it is essential to have the core of Ba’athist regime in place in any transitional or post-transition mechanism. A new interpretation of political solution is required. Else, the state will collapse, which will only help the jihadists. Despite its limitations and challenges, federalisation of Syria and the establishment of a federal structure of the government, it seems, is the only viable solution.

scholarly journals THE IMPACT OF THE POST ARAB SPRING ON THE HUMAN RIGHTS IN SYRIA

2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 456-463
Author(s):  
Dakheelallah Alharbi ◽  
Zarina Othman ◽  
Sity Daud
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Arab Spring ◽  
Case Study Research ◽  
Economic Sectors ◽  
Descriptive Research ◽  
The Government ◽  
Almost All ◽  
The Arab Spring ◽  
The Impact

Purpose: The purpose of the study is to give an analysis of the humanitarian situation and the case of human rights in Syria after the events of the Arab spring. Methodology: This is analytical-descriptive research that has been done through literature review, content analysis, and documentary and case study research. Result: our results suggest that the Syrian government made false concessions designed to end the revolts. The occurrence led to the formation of a rebel group, the Free Syrian Army whose main objective was to oust the authoritarian regime and stop the killing of civilians. This marked the beginning of the blatant violation of human rights as well as the civil war in Syria. The government not only ignited but also took the war to its own people killing, injuring and imprisoning thousands of people. Worse still, thousands of women and young girls still suffer sexual violence during the nightly raids conducted frequently on either opposing camps. Following the massive violations of human rights, almost all economic sectors of Syria have met rock-bottom. Applications: This research can be used for policymakers and the international community to take a further step to aid the Syrian civilians. Novelty/Originality: In our research, we try to target a very much debated topic in the Middle East. Although several articles written about the humanitarian and human rights situation in Syria studies on human rights after the Arab spring is still lacking.

scholarly journals The army as the main driving force of Egypt's transformation in 2011-2013

2020 ◽  
Vol 23 (11) ◽  
pp. 41-50
Author(s):  
Antonіі Palamar
Keyword(s):  
Arab Spring ◽  
The State ◽  
Political Life ◽  
Political Agenda ◽  
State Transformation ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Stability ◽  
Opposition Movements ◽  
The Arab Spring ◽  
The Military

Following the 2013 coup that toppled Egypt’s democratically elected president, Mohammed Morsi, from power, the country has been led by military general Abdel Fattah el-Sisi. Eight years on, he retains the president’s office, and Egyptian parliament has decided to actually extend his term until 2030, ignoring the revolutionary demands that prompted millions of Egyptians to bring Hosni Mubarak's 29-year rule to an end in January 2011. Despite the hopes of the Arab Spring, Egypt has not only stopped democratic transit, but has begun to move toward authoritarianism. Tens of thousands of people are kept in overcrowded prisons. Freedom of speech, media independence, and opposition movements are being suppressed in the name of the stability of the state. Tortures, unjustified detentions, police attacks, and death sentences have become a strategic tool in the hands of Egypt’s military leadership to combat possible escalation of protest movements.This article reviews history of the military leadership's influence on Egyptian public policy, outlines basic principles and methods of this influence, investigates the army's participation in the state transformation during the Arab Spring, and examines the policy of post-revolutionary military power in the country.The paper sheds light on the military elite, as a significant interest group, which until 2011 had no influence on the formation of the political agenda in Egypt. This study has confirmed that the Muslim Brotherhood's seizure of power in 2012 and the subsequent desire to quickly Islamize the country under the guise of democratic slogans forced the military to oppose not only Islamization but also the democratization of the country. After the revolution, the military became the only force that could keep control and rule the country, using undemocratic methods to secure its own regime and suppress opposition movements. Finally, Egypt's transformation is still ongoing, as the demands of the 2011 revolution for democratization and liberalization of socio-political life remain unfulfilled, and the current military rule is largely reminiscent of Hosni Mubarak’s regime, which was overthrown during the Arab Spring.

scholarly journals Indonesian Democracy as A Model for Egypt after The Arab Spring

2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 133-147
Author(s):  
Ahmad Sahide ◽  
Rezki Satris
Keyword(s):  
Arab Spring ◽  
External Factor ◽  
National Interest ◽  
Arab Countries ◽  
External Factors ◽  
Internal Factor ◽  
Foreign Intervention ◽  
Main Factors ◽  
Internal And External Factors ◽  
The Arab Spring

The Arab Spring in 2011 opened the way for democratization in some Arab countries, including Egypt. Egypt succeeded in overthrowing Hosni Mubarak as the president, but Egypt failed in consolidating democracy after holding a general election in 2012. The main factors of the failure in consolidating democracy in Egypt come from internal and external factors. The internal factor was that Egypt had not been ready for democracy , whereas the external factor was  foreign intervention due to national interest. This article analyzes the failure of democratization in Egypt by using Jack Snyder and Georg Sorensen’s theory. In the last part of this article, the writer suggested that Egypt should have learned how to consolidate democracy from Indonesia. Indonesia is the best model of democracy for Egypt due to some reasons. The first one is Indonesia and Egypt near a culturally (religious approach), and the second one is Indonesia's success, as the majority Muslim state, in consolidating democracy since 1998.

scholarly journals The Features of the Domestic Political Development of Mauritania during the Reign of Mohammed Ould Abdel Aziz (2009–2019)

2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (4) ◽  
pp. 607-621
Author(s):  
Maria I. Makhmutova ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Civil Wars ◽  
Political Development ◽  
Political Instability ◽  
Political Activity ◽  
Power Structures ◽  
Coup D'etat ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Arab Spring ◽  
The Military

This article is devoted to the study of domestic political development of Mauritania during the ten years President Mohammed Ould Abdel Aziz’s reign (2009–2019). The author focuses on the main challenges to the regime supported by the military junta, as well as on the key reasons for its preservation, despite the presence of sharp contradictions within the state. The army, entrenched in power structures, had to face such problems as terrorism from Al-Qaeda, the Arab spring, and the assassination attempt on the president. At the same time, the country’s authorities were able to address these problems through a tough fight against extremism. One cannot fail to note the introduction of the practice of expanding the circle of parties loyal to the president and the national dialogue with the opposition, which not only contributed to the legitimization of Abdel Aziz’s personality, but also continued his political activity. This occurred while most regimes in the Arab East either fell or were faced with lengthy civil wars. In addition, the author notes that the elections and referendum, as elements of democracy, have been used more than once by Abdel Aziz to advance his interests, despite protests and criticism from opposition parties. In fact, in 2017, the country’s leadership was able to rewrite the constitution for itself and subjugate the legislative and judicial branches of the government. It is worth stating that Abdel Aziz became the first head of state who, in the entire modern history of Mauritania, was able to ensure a peaceful transfer of power after the end of the second presidential term. This decision did not force citizens to experience another coup d’état and political instability. In general, the author comes to the conclusion that the rule of Abdel Aziz had two main features: the desire to retain all the levers of power and, if political instability is brewing, to initiate negotiations with the opposition. These contradictions were not resolved, and the pendulum constantly swung depending on the domestic political background in the country.

scholarly journals Seeking Safety, Finding Fear

2018 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 6-29 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bree Akesson ◽  
Kearney Coupland
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Everyday Life ◽  
Seeking Safety ◽  
Shared History ◽  
The World ◽  
History Of ◽  
Per Capita ◽  
The Government ◽  
Restricted Mobility

The war in Syria has led to a large number of Syrian families fleeing to neighboring countries, including Lebanon. Per capita, Lebanon has taken in more refugees than any other country in the world. Despite a shared history of taking in each other’s war-affected populations, the Government of Lebanon response has shifted from that of hospitality and protection to refusing to officially recognize displaced Syrians as refugees and imposing other restrictive policies that make everyday life a challenge for Syrian families. These actions have an impact upon the basic human rights of these families. Drawing upon data from research with 46 Syrian families, this paper will describe how Syrian family movement is restricted, identify the multiple and interrelated factors that contribute to immobility, explore how restricted mobility can compromised children, family, and human rights.

scholarly journals The "Arab Spring": New Mechanisms of Change of Authoritarian Political Regimes

2015 ◽  
pp. 238-246
Author(s):  
E. A. Antyukhova
Keyword(s):  
Arab Spring ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
Political Regimes ◽  
Distinctive Features ◽  
Governmental Organizations ◽  
Non Governmental Organizations ◽  
The Government ◽  
Real Picture ◽  
The Arab Spring

The article explores the use of mechanisms in bringing down authoritarian political regimes in the Middle East and North Africa with the "Arab spring" in focus. The technique of "non-violent" methods of fight suggested by "godfather" of the "Arab spring" Gene Sharp is analyzed. It is noted that the distinctive features of his system were planned, determined and dynamic actions of protest forces. A special place in the article is devoted to the study of the role of non-governmental organizations in selecting and training protest leaders and activists and in creating a network of supporters of prodemocratic movements. The article examines the role of the Internet and cyber technologies used by the opposition during protest rallies. Non-violence as means of bringing down the existing power turned out to be an alternative to armed resistance. The key role of non-violent actions consisted in changing the point of view of anti-government forces, demonstrating that the public solidarity could make the regime overthrow possible. It is noted that the latest information means gave the process of political changes due activity and focus which was followed by the information actions designed to discredit the government in place and form the corresponding public opinion. Mediatization of politics promoted the creation of a dense information veil retouching a real picture. The overall system of methods used during the "the Arab spring" indicates that the mechanism of overthrowing authoritarian regimes and its technologies came from Western culture and were borrowed by Arab activists.

Relations Between Qatar and Saudi Arabia After the Arab Spring

2018 ◽  
Vol 11 (3) ◽  
pp. 113-134
Author(s):  
Abdul Rezak Bilgin
Keyword(s):  
Saudi Arabia ◽  
Arab Spring ◽  
Middle Eastern ◽  
Historical Background ◽  
New Era ◽  
Bilateral Relations ◽  
Regional Dynamics ◽  
History Of ◽  
Classical Realism ◽  
The Arab Spring

The Arab Spring initiated a new era in the history of the Middle East and significantly shifted regional dynamics. It profoundly marked the history of the region and affected relations between Middle Eastern countries. Qatar–Saudi Arabia relations have likewise been profoundly impacted by it. This study focuses on how the Arab Spring affected relations between Qatar and Saudi Arabia, and on how the regional power struggle and rivalry between Riyadh and Doha were exacerbated during that period when disagreements and clashes escalated and deepened between both countries. It also emphasizes the causes of tensions that emerged during the period of the Arab Spring between both states. Using classical realism as a theoretical framework in approaching the issues at hand, the study begins by outlining the historical background to Qatar–Saudi Arabia relations. It then describes the policies of Qatar and Saudi Arabia towards the Arab Spring and explores the problem areas in their bilateral relations. Finally, the sanctions imposed against Qatar are also discussed.

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