Backlash against the procedural consensus

2020 ◽  
Vol 22 (4) ◽  
pp. 598-608 ◽  
Author(s):  
Claudia Landwehr
Keyword(s):  
Liberal Democracy ◽  
Minority Rights ◽  
Democratic Institutions ◽  
Policy Decisions ◽  
Definition Of

While the politics of backlash is typically described as a reaction to policy decisions in favour of minority rights, immigration or globalisation, this essay focuses on the fact that backlash typically also involves a reaction against the procedural consensus liberal democracy is based upon. This challenge to democratic procedures and institutions may be even more dangerous in its effects than the substantial objectives of backlash. I use the composite definition of backlash suggested by Alter and Zürn to assess in how far the attacks on the institutions of liberal democracy have retrograde objectives in themselves or in how far they are merely instrumental to the pursuit of other retrograde objectives. The conclusion reflects on possible outcomes of backlash politics for democratic institutions and argues that in the best case, the present contestation of rules, norms and institutions could also lead to a democratic renewal of the procedural consensus.

Populism and Liberal Democracy

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Takis S. Pappas
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Liberal Democracy ◽  
The United States ◽  
Comprehensive Theory ◽  
The People ◽  
Original Definition ◽  
Key Issues ◽  
Great Relevance ◽  
Definition Of

Based on an original definition of modern populism as “democratic illiberalism” and many years of meticulous research, Takis Pappas marshals extraordinary empirical evidence from Argentina, Greece, Peru, Italy, Venezuela, Ecuador, Hungary, the United States, Spain, and Brazil to develop a comprehensive theory about populism. He addresses all key issues in the debate about populism and answers significant questions of great relevance for today’s liberal democracy, including: • What is modern populism and how can it be differentiated from comparable phenomena like nativism and autocracy? • Where in Latin America has populism become most successful? Where in Europe did it emerge first? Why did its rise to power in the United States come so late? • Is Trump a populist and, if so, could he be compared best with Venezuela’s Chávez, France’s Le Pens, or Turkey’s Erdoğan? • Why has populism thrived in post-authoritarian Greece but not in Spain? And why in Argentina and not in Brazil? • Can populism ever succeed without a charismatic leader? If not, what does leadership tell us about how to challenge populism? • Who are “the people” who vote for populist parties, how are these “made” into a group, and what is in their minds? • Is there a “populist blueprint” that all populists use when in power? And what are the long-term consequences of populist rule? • What does the expansion, and possibly solidification, of populism mean for the very nature and future of contemporary democracy? Populism and Liberal Democracy will change the ways the reader understands populism and imagines the prospects of liberal democracy.

Democracy as the Rule of the Dumb Many?

2012 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hélène Landemore
Keyword(s):  
Democratic Theory ◽  
Literature Survey ◽  
Related Question ◽  
Cognitive Competence ◽  
Democratic Institutions ◽  
Epistemic Democracy ◽  
Definition Of ◽  
Traditional Approaches ◽  
Critical Literature

This chapter illustrates the deeply entrenched prejudice of political philosophers, including some democratic theorists, against “the rule of the dumb many.” It offers a critical literature survey showing how most traditional approaches to democracy either deny or circumvent the question of the people's competence to rule, with the exception of a tiny but growing literature on “epistemic democracy.” In fact, with the exception of the latter, the question of the cognitive competence of average citizens and the related question of the performance of democratic institutions either raises profound skepticism or is avoided altogether in contemporary democratic theory, both positive and normative. As a result, many theories and justifications of democracy tend to be competence insensitive, either denying that citizens' political incompetence is a problem or circumventing what they do see as a problem through an “elitist” definition of democracy as rule by the elected enlightened.

5. Populism and democracy

2017 ◽  
pp. 79-96 ◽  
Author(s):  
Cas Mudde ◽  
Cristóbal Rovira Kaltwasser
Keyword(s):  
Liberal Democracy ◽  
Theoretical Framework ◽  
Complex Relationship ◽  
Clear Definition ◽  
Definition Of ◽  
Electoral Power ◽  
Main Effects ◽  
The Impact ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Intense Debate

The relationship between populism and democracy has always been a topic of intense debate. Depending on its electoral power and the context in which it arises, populism can work as either a threat to or a corrective for democracy. To better understand this complex relationship, “Populism and democracy” presents a clear definition of (liberal) democracy, which helps to clarify how the latter is positively and negatively affected by populist forces. It then presents an original theoretical framework of the impact of populism on different political regimes, which allows us to distinguish the main effects of populism on the different stages of the process of both democratization and de-democratization.

‘Religious schools, civic education, and public policy: A framework for evaluation and decision’

2018 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 141-161 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ian MacMullen
Keyword(s):  
Public Policy ◽  
Public Education ◽  
Education Policy ◽  
Civic Education ◽  
Liberal Democracy ◽  
Continuous Variable ◽  
Religious Schools ◽  
Policy Decisions ◽  
Public Education Policy

Some people claim that religious schools are poorly suited to prepare children for citizenship in a multi-religious society that is (or aspires to be) a liberal democracy. In what sense(s), by what mechanism(s), and to what extent might this be so? And what could be the implications for public policy? I propose an analytical and evaluative framework for addressing these questions. There are several potentially independent dimensions on which a school may have a religious character, and each of these dimensions is a continuous variable. Schools that are strongly religious on all of these dimensions are indeed very poor instruments of civic education in a multi-religious society. But what about schools whose religious character is far weaker on each dimension? If these schools are inferior to their secular counterparts for civic educational purposes, that inferiority may be very slight. Given the great diversity among religious schools, and if – as I argue – the civic goals of education are not the only important values that ought to guide public education policy, there are powerful reasons to discriminate among (proposed) religious schools when making policy decisions about regulation and funding. Those who oppose such a discriminating approach must demonstrate that the benefits of ‘difference blindness’ in this domain outweigh its substantial costs.

scholarly journals The Rights of Minorities in International Law

2016 ◽  
Vol 9 (6) ◽  
pp. 15
Author(s):  
Fatemeh Mihandoost ◽  
Bahman Babajanian
Keyword(s):  
International Law ◽  
Present Article ◽  
International Society ◽  
Minority Rights ◽  
The Other ◽  
Human Right ◽  
Religious Minorities ◽  
The Subject ◽  
Specific Culture ◽  
Definition Of

Today human right is of great importance. The existence of different minorities such as lingual, ethnic, racial, and religious minorities with different tendencies derived from different civilizations and cultures has brought about social and cultural varieties and differences in each country and also the emergence of this variety has resulted in the development of variety in a specific culture and ceremony in different countries. On the other hand, each country as a member of international society has to observe norms and principles accepted by international society. In other words, although preparation of constitution of each country depends on exclusive qualification of the country’s people and government, it does not mean they are free in each law because international legitimacy of each country’s government and constitution depends on observation of the accepted principles and the governing rules in international law. The subject of minorities was first introduced in Vienna Congress and today different minorities live in different countries. In international documents and treaties, a precise definition of minority has not been provided. The present article seeks to interpret minority rights according to international law and investigate minority rights in international law by using international documents.

scholarly journals Hvordan skabes et alternativ? Om det radikale demokratis mulighedsbetingelser

Politik ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 20 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Jannick Schou
Keyword(s):  
Liberal Democracy ◽  
Radical Democracy ◽  
Discourse Theory ◽  
Democratic Institutions ◽  
Chantal Mouffe ◽  
Democratic Practices ◽  
Two Factors ◽  
Conditions Of Possibility ◽  
Over Time

How can an alternative to liberal democracy and neoliberalism be developed? This question has occupied a number of political theorists from the Left, including Chantal Mouffe. This paper provides a discussion of Mouffe’s notion of radical democracy by drawing on concepts from Ernesto Laclau’s discourse theory. The paper starts out by providing a detailed description of Mouffe’s model with a focus on its underlying conditions of possibility. Here, two factors are highlighted: an allegiance to ‘liberty’ and ‘equality’ and a common trust in democratic institutions. By reading these conditions through the work of Laclau, the paper argues for an increased attentiveness towards the ways in which discourses become sedimented and neutralized over time. The paper argues that Mouffe tends to downplay the role of normativity and institutions in favor of democratic practices. Highlighting these areas, this article argues, is a call for a further radicalization of radical democracy going forward.

THE INFLUENCE OF POPULISM ON DEMOCRACY IN THE CONTEXT OF CONTEMPORARY POLITICAL THEORY

2020 ◽  
Vol 14 (3) ◽  
pp. 46-52
Author(s):  
Mirilias Azad ogly Agaev ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Political Theory ◽  
Liberal Democracy ◽  
Representative Democracy ◽  
The Political ◽  
Democratic Institutions ◽  
Silent Majority ◽  
Political Sphere ◽  
Liberal Democratic ◽  
The Impact

The article is devoted to the impact of populism on democracy. To investigate the impact of populism on democracy, the author explores key approaches to the populism notion: political, socio-cultural and ideological. The article notes that populism studies lack a single definition and emphasizes there are negative, positive and neutral evaluations of the nature of this phenomenon. These conclusions are used for further assumptions about the impact on liberal democratic institutions. After analyzing the works on the populism of such scholars as B. Arditi, H.-G. Betz, M. Canovan, E. Laclau, K. Mudde, S. Mouffe, K. Rovira Kaltwasser, N. Urbinati, and others, the article draws conclusions about the multidimensionality of influence on liberal democracy and, in particular, about the fallacy of solely negative assessments of this impact. The author underlines the presence of both positive aspects (providing the interests of the “silent majority”, mobilizing excluded groups and integrating them into the political sphere), and negative aspects (rejection of representative democracy and parliamentarism) of populism.

scholarly journals The Return of Populism ‐ The 2000 Romanian Elections

2001 ◽  
Vol 36 (2) ◽  
pp. 230-252 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alina Mungiu‐Pippidi
Keyword(s):  
Public Opinion ◽  
Liberal Democracy ◽  
Communist Regime ◽  
Democratic Institutions ◽  
Government Accountability ◽  
The West ◽  
Electoral Democracy ◽  
Communist Successor Parties

During The Years Immediately Following The Fall Of The Ceausescu regime in 1989, Romania fulfilled the requirements of an ‘electoral democracy’. Free and reasonably fair elections regularly produced parliaments (1990, 1992) and governments dominated by the communist successor parties run by Ion Iliescu, a member of the old nomenklatura. Once elected, these institutions operated in principle within the framework of procedural democracy, but in practice often broke the rules and norms accepted in the West as characteristic of liberal democracy. When this occurred public opinion was either too weak, or divided, or simply too indifferent to demand more accountability. Further impoverishment of the poorest citizens due to mismanagement of the economy and rampant corruption contributed to the demise of the post-communist regime in 1996, which in turn led to the hope that with electoral democracy established, the development of democratic institutions and government accountability would follow.

GENDERED CITIZENSHIP

1999 ◽  
Vol 13 (3) ◽  
pp. 287-307 ◽  
Author(s):  
GAY W. SEIDMAN
Keyword(s):  
South African ◽  
Racial Inequality ◽  
Democratic Transition ◽  
Gender Issues ◽  
Democratic Institutions ◽  
The South ◽  
Gender Dynamics ◽  
The Future ◽  
New Institutions ◽  
Definition Of

The tendency for abstract theorists of democratization to overlook gender dynamics is perhaps exacerbated in the South African case, where racial inequality is obviously key. Yet, attention to the processes through which South African activists inserted gender issues into discussions about how to construct new institutions provides an unusual prism through which to explore the gendered character of citizenship. After providing an explanation for the unusual prominence of gender concerns in South Africa's democratization, the article argues that during the drawn-out democratic transition, South African activists, often influenced by international feminist discussions, developed a collective definition of gender interests and began to build those interests into the structure of democratic institutions, in ways that will affect politics and the definition of “women's interests” in the future.

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