scholarly journals New narratives, new narrators? Alcohol and alcohol policies in the Swedish press during the 1990s

2000 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 63-79
Author(s):  
Börje Olsson

During the years around 1990, several policy and economic events occurred which had significant effects on the Swedish society. In this context, critique against the welfare state grew and the traditional roles of the state and the individual were challenged. The legitimacy and efficiency of Swedish alcohol policy was also called into question. The article describes and analyses how portrayals of alcohol, alcohol problems and alcohol policies have changed during the 1990s in the Swedish press. Despite the growth of media like television and the Internet, the daily press must still be considered an important source of information and also an active constructor of reality. The analysis is based on different samples of press articles during the studied period. Special attention is paid to different actors/narrators, their argumentation and how they perceive the individual and the state as legitimate actors and controllers of our drinking habits. The analysis shows that the dominant restrictive alcohol discourse, based on the total consumption model, public health perspectives and universal and restrictive alcohol policy measures, gradually has been challenged by a liberal discourse in which individual freedom, market liberalism and consumer perspectives are put forward as guiding principles for alcohol policies. A ‘sensible drinking’ perspective has seriously weakened the traditional perspective where alcohol- related problems have been situated as the legitimate foundation for policies. Finally, the ongoing redefinition of the alcohol issue also has made it possible for new narrators, for instance, business representatives, to take part in and significantly influence the alcohol discourse.

2012 ◽  
Vol 29 (1) ◽  
pp. 25-40 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hildigunnur Ólafsdóttir

Aims This study investigates the motives and discourses around the decision taken by the Icelandic parliament in 1989 to legalise beer sales after a prohibition of 74 years. A bill was passed in 1988 that allowed the selling of beer in licensed restaurants and the state alcohol monopoly stores. Design The sources used for this study are mainly newspaper articles and other materials and reports published in the period 1980 to 1989. Results The passing of the bill was preceded by many controversial discourses in Iceland. Lobbying groups with commercial interests campaigned for the legalisation of beer, while representatives of the alcoholism movement took no formal stance on the issue, parliamentarians broke from party lines and medical doctors were split into two factions. Common questions included the plausibility of the total consumption model, various understandings of WHO recommendations, diverging interpretations of other countries’ experiences of beer, and different views on how beer would affect individuals suffering from alcoholism. Conclusions The changes in Icelandic alcohol policy to legalise beer were in keeping with contemporary societal processes of globalisation and modernisation, but public health arguments were given less priority. While the decision to legalise beer increased the commercial functions of the state alcohol monopoly, it also strengthened the monopoly's role as an actor in alcohol policy.


1975 ◽  
Vol 5 (4) ◽  
pp. 344-357 ◽  
Author(s):  
Klaus Mäkelä

Sociologists, particularly in the United States, have devoted little attention to the impact of centrally directed alcohol policies on drinking problems. Sociocultural studies of religious and ethnic differences In drinking behavior appear to suggest that the liberalization of alcohol policies would favor the growth of moderate drinking patterns at the expense of excessive drinking. However, this “substitution hypothesis” receives less support in Scandinavian research on alcohol policy than does an alternative “addition hypothesis.” When policy controls on alcohol are relaxed, increases in moderate consumption occur in addition to and not at the expense of relatively stable patterns of heavy drinking.


2009 ◽  
Vol 38 (2) ◽  
pp. 343-359 ◽  
Author(s):  
SHANE BUTLER

AbstractThis article explores how proponents of a public health model of alcohol policy have, for more than a quarter of a century, argued consistently but unsuccessfully for an integrated national alcohol policy in the Republic of Ireland. It looks in particular at the past decade, a time when increases in alcohol consumption and related problems strengthened the case for such an integrated policy, and when managerial innovations in the sphere of cross-cutting management appeared to provide a template for its implementation. A number of explanations are offered for the refusal of successive governments to respond to what its advocates see as the only rational, evidence-based approach to the prevention of alcohol problems. It is argued that, unlike the Nordic countries, the political culture of independent Ireland has never been one in which the state could unilaterally impose strict alcohol control policies as a feature of its broader vision of the welfare state. It is also argued that during the recent period of economic prosperity (the so-called ‘Celtic Tiger’ era) the country was characterised by a neo-liberal policy climate, which was specifically antipathetic to the idea that the state should interfere directly in the alcohol market with a view to preventing related problems. It is suggested that the social partnership model of governance, to which many people attributed the country's economic success, created an atmosphere of consensualism within which the state as mediator between the two main protagonists (the public health lobby and the drinks industry) was unwilling to challenge the drinks industry. It is also concluded that this failure to create a national alcohol policy based on public health principles demonstrates the limitations of the cross-cutting, or ‘joined-up’, approach to public management in those areas of social policy characterised by clashing value systems or fundamental conflicts of economic interest. Finally, it is acknowledged that in Ireland, as elsewhere, neo-liberal certitudes have been effectively dethroned by the economic recession and banking crisis of late 2008; whether these more straitened economic circumstances will provide a better fit for the ‘nanny state’ ideals of the public health perspective on alcohol remains to be seen.


1987 ◽  
Vol 17 (3) ◽  
pp. 255-271 ◽  
Author(s):  
William J. Staudenmeier

The last decade has seen the widespread adoption by employers of occupational alcoholism programs designed to address the alcohol problems of employees. This innovative pattern of alcohol-related employer policy has received considerable attention in the scientific literature while other, traditional employer policies persist with relative inattention. This paper frames a broad perspective on employer alcohol policy by looking at four current patterns of policy: 1. Drinking on the Job, 2. Dry on the Job, 3. Employer Prohibition, and 4. Occupational Alcoholism Programs (including Employee Assistance Programs). The author explores the systematic variation among employers in their alcohol policies and emphasizes the relationship among alcohol-related culture, policy and practice. The existence of conflicting cultural positions on alcohol makes the United States an especially interesting case for this analysis.


2015 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 95
Author(s):  
Barbara Ryan

Ryan, B. (2015). Special Issue on the Alcohol Policy 16 Conference: Building Blocks for Sound Alcohol Policies, April 3-5, 2013, Washington, DC. The International Journal Of Alcohol And Drug Research, 4(2), 95. doi:http://dx.doi.org/10.7895/ijadr.v4i2.210In 1981, the South Carolina Commission on Alcohol and Drug Abuse convened the first Alcohol Policy conference (AP1) in Charleston, to provide a forum where researchers, practitioners, and prevention advocates could discuss innovative policy approaches and research for preventing alcohol-related problems. Its director, Jerry McCord, used his position to organize AP1 to promote the careful consideration of alcohol policy issues from both a research and practitioner perspective at a time when few public officials were interested in pursuing alcohol control policies as a way to address—and reduce—societal alcohol problems.


2016 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 33-45 ◽  
Author(s):  
Norman Giesbrecht ◽  
Ashley Wettlaufer ◽  
Stephanie Simpson ◽  
Nicole April ◽  
Mark Asbridge ◽  
...  

Giesbrecht, N., Wettlaufer, A., Simpson, S., April, N., Asbridge, M., Cukier, S., Mann, R., McAllister, J., Murie, A., Pauley, C., Plamondon, L., Stockwell, T., Thomas, G., Thompson, K., & Vallance, K. (2016). Strategies to reduce alcohol-related harms and costs in Canada: A comparison of provincial policies. The International Journal Of Alcohol And Drug Research, 5(2), 33-45. doi:http://dx.doi.org/10.7895/ijadr.v5i2.221Aims: To compare Canadian provinces across 10 research-based alcohol policy and program dimensions.Design and Measures: The 10 Canadian provinces were assessed on the following 10 policy dimensions: alcohol pricing; alcohol control system; physical availability; drinking and driving; marketing and advertising; legal drinking age; screening, brief intervention, and referrals; server training, challenge, and refusal programs; provincial alcohol strategy; warning labels and signs. Data were collected from official documents, including provincial legislation, regulations, and policy, and strategy documents. Three international experts on alcohol policy contributed to refining the protocol. Provincial scores were independently determined by two team members along a 10-point scale for each dimension, and the scores were expressed as a percentage of the ideal. Weighting of dimensions according to scope of impact and effectiveness was applied to obtain the final scores. National and provincial scores were calculated for each dimension and consolidated into overall averages.Findings: Overall, the consolidated national mean is 47.2% of the ideal, with Ontario scoring highest at 55.9%, and Québec lowest at 36.2%. Across dimensions, Legal Drinking Age and Challenge and Refusal Programs scored highest at 75% and 61%, respectively, while Warning Labels and Signs scored lowest at 18% of the ideal. Pricing, rated third highest among dimensions at 57%, should nevertheless remain a priority for improvement, given it is weighted highest in terms of effectiveness and scope.Conclusions and Implications: Policy dimension scores vary among the provinces, with substantial room for improvement in all. Since spring 2013, several provinces have taken steps to implement specific alcohol policies. Concerted action involving multiple stakeholders and alcohol policies is required to reduce the burden of alcohol problems across Canada.


2020 ◽  
Vol 37 (6) ◽  
pp. 609-618
Author(s):  
Christoffer Tigerstedt ◽  
Pia Makela ◽  
Thomas Karlsson ◽  
Janne Härkönen ◽  
Tomi Lintonen ◽  
...  

Aim: Alcohol consumption and policy in Finland have undergone a variety of changes in the two last decades. In several cases, trends in both consumption and policy have shifted direction when moving from the first decade of the 21st century to the second one. The aim of the overview is to summarise the trends. Data: The overview draws on results primarily from the cross-sectional Finnish Drinking Habits Survey (FDHS) in 2000, 2008 and 2016, and also from the whole series including altogether seven separate data collections carried out every eight years from 1968 to 2016 and mainly covering Finns aged 15–69 years. Response rates show a falling trend (78% in 2000, 74% in 2008 and 60% in 2016). The overview also makes use of data collected within the European School Survey Project on Alcohol and other Drugs (ESPAD) and, for the elderly, the National FinSote study carried out by the Finnish Institute for Health and Welfare (THL). Results: After an all-time high of 12.7 litres of pure alcohol per capita 15 years and over in 2007, total consumption of alcohol had decreased by 21% by the year 2019. Underage drinking has decreased ever since the millennium shift. Older people’s drinking has continued increasing or levelled out. Along with reduced total consumption, heavy episodic drinking (HED) has also decreased, but the differences between manual and white-collar workers in HED have continued to grow. Drinking alcoholic beverages with meals has also declined since 2008. Liberal and restrictive alcohol policy measures have alternated. Conclusions: Finnish drinking culture seems to change at a slow pace; several typical drinking habits have remained unchanged.


2003 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 28-33
Author(s):  
Yolanda García Rodríguez

In Spain doctoral studies underwent a major legal reform in 1998. The new legislation has brought together the criteria, norms, rules, and study certificates in universities throughout the country, both public and private. A brief description is presented here of the planning and structuring of doctoral programs, which have two clearly differentiated periods: teaching and research. At the end of the 2-year teaching program, the individual and personal phase of preparing one's doctoral thesis commences. However, despite efforts by the state to regulate these studies and to achieve greater efficiency, critical judgment is in order as to whether the envisioned aims are being achieved, namely, that students successfully complete their doctoral studies. After this analysis, we make proposals for the future aimed mainly at the individual period during which the thesis is written, a critical phase in obtaining the doctor's degree. Not enough attention has been given to this in the existing legislation.


2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
pp. 199-203
Author(s):  
Nodira Musayeva ◽  

It is no secret that one of the features of today's global infomakon is manipulative information, which carries a large part of the General information complex that negatively affects public consciousness, the unity of the individual, society and the state. The main feature of modern journalism is that it completely rejects open propaganda and uses hidden methods of influencing the mind. Many news agencies have moved from direct ideological pressure on the recipient to theuse of hidden mechanisms of thought formation.


2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (10(79)) ◽  
pp. 12-18
Author(s):  
G. Bubyreva

The existing legislation determines the education as "an integral and focused process of teaching and upbringing, which represents a socially important value and shall be implemented so as to meet the interests of the individual, the family, the society and the state". However, even in this part, the meaning of the notion ‘socially significant benefit is not specified and allows for a wide range of interpretation [2]. Yet the more inconcrete is the answer to the question – "who and how should determine the interests of the individual, the family and even the state?" The national doctrine of education in the Russian Federation, which determined the goals of teaching and upbringing, the ways to attain them by means of the state policy regulating the field of education, the target achievements of the development of the educational system for the period up to 2025, approved by the Decree of the Government of the Russian Federation of October 4, 2000 #751, was abrogated by the Decree of the Government of the Russian Federation of March 29, 2014 #245 [7]. The new doctrine has not been developed so far. The RAE Academician A.B. Khutorsky believes that the absence of the national doctrine of education presents a threat to national security and a violation of the right of citizens to quality education. Accordingly, the teacher has to solve the problem of achieving the harmony of interests of the individual, the family, the society and the government on their own, which, however, judging by the officially published results, is the task that exceeds the abilities of the participants of the educational process.  The particular concern about the results of the patriotic upbringing served as a basis for the legislative initiative of the RF President V. V. Putin, who introduced the project of an amendment to the Law of RF "About Education of the Russian Federation" to the State Duma in 2020, regarding the quality of patriotic upbringing [3]. Patriotism, considered by the President of RF V. V. Putin as the only possible idea to unite the nation is "THE FEELING OF LOVE OF THE MOTHERLAND" and the readiness for every sacrifice and heroic deed for the sake of the interests of your Motherland. However, the practicing educators experience shortfalls in efficient methodologies of patriotic upbringing, which should let them bring up citizens, loving their Motherland more than themselves. The article is dedicated to solution to this problem based on the Value-sense paradigm of upbringing educational dynasty of the Kurbatovs [15].


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