Ignorance of History and Perceptions of Racism: Another Look at the Marley Hypothesis

2018 ◽  
Vol 10 (7) ◽  
pp. 977-985 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jason E. Strickhouser ◽  
Ethan Zell ◽  
Kara E. Harris

Why do White Americans perceive less racism than Black Americans? Two provocative studies on the Marley hypothesis suggest that White Americans are more ignorant of historical instances of racism than Black Americans and that ignorance of history mediates racial differences in perceptions of racism. We conducted two replications of the Marley hypothesis in a different institutional and regional context than prior studies. In contrast with prior findings, the difference between White and Black Americans knowledge of historical racism was not significant in either of our replications and was dramatically smaller than that obtained in prior studies. Thus, the present research failed to replicate the mediation effect found in prior studies. We discuss potential explanations for these discrepant findings (e.g., differences in institution and region) and call for additional research examining whether the Marley hypothesis is moderated by cultural contexts.

2022 ◽  
Author(s):  
Raea Rasmussen ◽  
David Levari ◽  
Muna Akhtar ◽  
Chelsea Crittle ◽  
Megan Gately ◽  
...  

Norton and Sommers (2011) assessed Black and White Americans’ perceptions of anti-Black and anti-White bias across the previous six decades—from the 1950s to the 2000s. They presented two key findings: White (but not Black) respondents perceived decreases in anti-Black bias to be associated with increases in anti-White bias, signaling the perception that racism is a zero-sum game; White respondents rated anti-White bias as more pronounced than anti-Black bias in the 2000s, signaling the perception that they were losing the zero-sum game. We collected new data to examine whether the key findings would be evident nearly a decade later, and whether political ideology would moderate perceptions. Liberal, moderate, and conservative White (but not Black) Americans alike believed that racism is a zero-sum game. Liberal White Americans saw racism as a zero-sum game they were winning by a lot, moderate White Americans saw it as a game they were winning by only a little, and conservative White Americans saw it as a game they were losing. This work has clear implications for public policy and behavioral science, and lays the groundwork for future research that examines to what extent racial differences in perceptions of racism by political ideology are changing over time.


2021 ◽  
pp. 002214652110410
Author(s):  
Patricia Louie ◽  
Laura Upenieks ◽  
Christy L. Erving ◽  
Courtney S. Thomas Tobin

A central paradox in the mental health literature is the tendency for black Americans to report similar or better mental health than white Americans despite experiencing greater stress exposure. However, black Americans’ higher levels of certain coping resources may explain this finding. Using data from the Nashville Stress and Health Study (n = 1,186), we examine whether black Americans have higher levels of self-esteem, social support, religious attendance, and divine control than white Americans and whether these resources, in turn, explain the black–white paradox in mental health. In adjusted models, the black–white paradox holds for depressive symptoms and any DSM-IV disorder. Findings indicate that black Americans have higher levels of self-esteem, family social support, and religiosity than white Americans. Causal mediation techniques reveal that self-esteem has the largest effect in explaining black–white differences in depressive symptoms, whereas divine control has the largest effect in explaining differences in disorder.


Daedalus ◽  
2012 ◽  
Vol 141 (4) ◽  
pp. 114-129 ◽  
Author(s):  
James L. Gibson

Many studies of interracial differences in rates of political participation pay too little attention to African Americans' perceptions of whether they can freely participate in politics. Survey evidence collected over the last several decades has consistently shown that black Americans perceive much less political freedom available to them than do white Americans. The gap in perceived freedom has narrowed somewhat in recent years but remains large. Following the empowerment hypothesis of Lawrence Bobo and Franklin Gilliam, black perceptions of freedom increased with the election of Barack Obama to the American presidency. But perhaps unexpectedly, the empowerment bonus has not persisted, especially among conservative and fundamentalist blacks. Because African Americans do not perceive that their government would permit various types of political action, it is likely that substantial interracial differences exist in non-voting types of political participation, especially political action directed against governmental authority.


2017 ◽  
Vol 114 (5) ◽  
pp. 915-920 ◽  
Author(s):  
Debra Umberson ◽  
Julie Skalamera Olson ◽  
Robert Crosnoe ◽  
Hui Liu ◽  
Tetyana Pudrovska ◽  
...  

Long-standing racial differences in US life expectancy suggest that black Americans would be exposed to significantly more family member deaths than white Americans from childhood through adulthood, which, given the health risks posed by grief and bereavement, would add to the disadvantages that they face. We analyze nationally representative US data from the National Longitudinal Study of Youth (n= 7,617) and the Health and Retirement Study (n= 34,757) to estimate racial differences in exposure to the death of family members at different ages, beginning in childhood. Results indicate that blacks are significantly more likely than whites to have experienced the death of a mother, a father, and a sibling from childhood through midlife. From young adulthood through later life, blacks are also more likely than whites to have experienced the death of a child and of a spouse. These results reveal an underappreciated layer of racial inequality in the United States, one that could contribute to the intergenerational transmission of health disadvantage. By calling attention to this heightened vulnerability of black Americans, our findings underscore the need to address the potential impact of more frequent and earlier exposure to family member deaths in the process of cumulative disadvantage.


2011 ◽  
Vol 35 (5) ◽  
pp. 457-469 ◽  
Author(s):  
Justin Jager

This study examined Black—White differences in growth of depressive affect using a longitudinal sample of middle-class, suburban U.S. subjects (n = 956) that spanned from adolescence to early adulthood. Specifically, this study examined whether Black—White differences in growth of depressive affect shift over time, and the extent to which that shift, if any, was associated with racial differences in the rate and mental health consequences of early adult social roles (e.g., living arrangements, work/college status, and single parenthood) and socioeconomic status (SES). As expected, growth in depressive affect pivoted around the onset of early adulthood, with the trajectory pivoting upward for Black Americans and downward for White Americans. Due to deficits in SES, the relation between challenging early adult social roles—under/unemployment in particular—and growth in depressive affect was more positive for Black Americans. This differential ‘‘vulnerability’’ appears to underlie racial differences in early adult growth (and by connection contribute to racial differences in growth pivot). The extent to which Black Americans were at a greater risk (relative to White Americans) for an upward pivot increased as the number of challenging roles increased. Black Americans facing only optimal early adult social roles were not at a greater risk, while those facing only challenging social roles were at the greatest risk.


Author(s):  
Mitch Kachun

As Jim Crow segregation came to define black Americans’ place in the nation by the end of the nineteenth century, American memory also became largely segregated. African Americans continued to hold Attucks in high regard, but his name was invoked far less frequently in mainstream popular culture and historical scholarship. As white America all but abandoned its concern for the basic welfare and rights of black citizens, a black hero like Crispus Attucks had little chance to enter the heroic pantheon of the nation. School textbooks, mainstream popular culture, and white Americans in general virtually erased Attucks from the story of the American Revolution. African Americans kept his memory alive in history books, public commemorations, and memorial acts like the naming of children and community organizations.


Cancers ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (15) ◽  
pp. 3710
Author(s):  
Sylvie Muhimpundu ◽  
Rebecca Baqiyyah N. Conway ◽  
Shaneda Warren Andersen ◽  
Loren Lipworth ◽  
Mark D. Steinwandel ◽  
...  

The purpose of this study was to examine differences in risk factors associated with hepatocellular carcinoma (HCC) among White and African Americans from low socioeconomic backgrounds in the Southern Community Cohort Study (SCCS). The SCCS is a prospective cohort study with participants from the southeastern US. HCC incidence rates were calculated. Multivariable Cox regression was used to calculate HCC-adjusted hazard ratios (aHR) associated with known baseline HCC risk factors for White and African Americans, separately. There were 294 incident HCC. The incidence rate ratio for HCC was higher (IRR = 1.4, 95%CI: 1.1–1.9) in African Americans compared to White Americans. White Americans saw a stronger association between self-reported hepatitis C virus (aHR = 19.24, 95%CI: 10.58–35.00) and diabetes (aHR = 3.55, 95%CI: 1.96–6.43) for the development of HCC compared to African Americans (aHR = 7.73, 95%CI: 5.71–10.47 and aHR = 1.48, 95%CI: 1.06–2.06, respectively) even though the prevalence of these risk factors was similar between races. Smoking (aHR = 2.91, 95%CI: 1.87–4.52) and heavy alcohol consumption (aHR = 1.59, 95%CI: 1.19–2.11) were significantly associated with HCC risk among African Americans only. In this large prospective cohort, we observed racial differences in HCC incidence and risk factors associated with HCC among White and African Americans.


2021 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 147470492098780
Author(s):  
Menelaos Apostolou ◽  
Yan Wang

Keeping an intimate relationship is challenging, and there are many factors causing strain. In the current research, we employed a sample of 1,403 participants from China and Greece who were in an intimate relationship, and we classified 78 difficulties in keeping an intimate relationship in 13 factors. Among the most common ones were clinginess, long work hours, and lack of personal time and space. Clinginess was reported as a more common source of relationship strain by women, while bad sex was reported as a more common source of relationship strain by men. Fading away enthusiasm, bad sex, infidelity and children were reported as more important by older participants, while lack of personal time and space, and character issues were reported as more important by younger participants. The factor structure was similar in the Greek and in the Chinese cultural contexts, but there were also differences. In addition, there were significant interactions between the sample and the sex. For instance, for the non-monogamous factor, men gave higher scores than women in both samples, but the difference was much more pronounced in the Greek sample.


2017 ◽  
Vol 21 (6) ◽  
pp. 893-912 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hema Preya Selvanathan ◽  
Pirathat Techakesari ◽  
Linda R. Tropp ◽  
Fiona Kate Barlow

Advantaged group members have an important role to play in creating social change, and intergroup contact has tremendous implications in shaping intergroup relations. However, little research has examined how intergroup contact predicts advantaged group members’ inclinations toward collective action to support the interests of disadvantaged groups. The present research investigates how contact with Black Americans shapes White Americans’ willingness to engage in collective action for racial justice and support for the Black Lives Matter movement. Three studies of White Americans (total N = 821) consistently reveal that positive contact with Black Americans predicts greater support for collective action through a sequential process of fostering greater feelings of empathy for Black Americans and anger over injustice. These findings hold even when taking into account other relevant psychological factors (i.e., White guilt and identification, negative contact, group efficacy, and moral convictions). The present research contributes to our understanding of how advantaged group members come to engage in social change efforts.


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