Program «Technology Platforms Russia» and information work on waste production

10.12737/302 ◽  
2013 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 0-0 ◽  
Author(s):  
Гарнов ◽  
Andrey Garnov ◽  
Голубин

In the article considers the experience of the European Union in the formation of «the technological platforms» — communication and coordination tool for association efforts of the government, business and science in determining the strategic «challenges», the development of programs for Advanced Studies, the ways of their realization and introduction of results. Describes the author’s opinion on some issues forming the section «Re-processing of waste production and consumption» in the approved Russian technological platform, «Ecological Technology Development».

2016 ◽  
pp. 9-14
Author(s):  
Ye. Dubynskyi ◽  
D. Gumenyuk ◽  
Yu. Yesypenko ◽  
A. Shanchuk

Over recent years, many Ukrainian organisations have participated in the European projects in various fields of research and technology development. Ukraine has made significant steps to enter the European Research Area: in 2015, Ukraine has become an associated participant of the “Horizon 2020” programme of the European Union, and on 27 June 2016, the Agreement between the Government of Ukraine and the European Community on Atomic Energy on scientific and technological cooperation and the associated participation of Ukraine in the Euratom Research and Training Programme (2014—2018) has been signed. This paper briefly presents the experience and results of the SSTC NRS activities under the Euratom framework research programmes, as well as the near future prospects for the SSTC NRS involvement in the new European research projects.


Author(s):  
I. S. Balanchuk ◽  
O. Ye. Mykhalchenkova

The terms “technological platform”, “innovation platform” have long been included in the activities of scientists and researchers from both Europe and Ukraine. The 21st century is associated with the economic integration of all developed countries in the field of science-intensive technologies and innovation. Technological platforms act as a fully functional mechanism in the integration process; participation in such platforms is considered almost the only way to join global innovation processes. The briefly get acquainted with the history of the creation and the initial period of operation of the first technological platforms in the European Union are propose in the article. The brief classification of types of technological platforms, its functions, prerequisites for creation, features, tasks, stages of development are provided. The types of network connections of individual countries in technology platforms are analyzed. The characteristic of the situation on the technological platforms creation and functioning in Ukraine is given; the subtype of platforms as information technology platforms is emphasized. It is concluded that the current situation requires the creation and participation in technological and information technology platforms, but in condition when all other mechanisms of innovation have been used in the full form.


2019 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 333-350
Author(s):  
Artur Adamczyk ◽  
Mladen Karadzoski

The main purpose of the article is to present how the Greek- -Macedonian naming dispute influenced the problem of implementation the international identity of Macedonia. Despite the initial problems of the government in Skopje related to determining their international identity, Macedonians managed to define the principles regarding the identification of a new state on the international stage. As a small country with limited attributes to shape its international position, Macedonia has basically been determined to seek guarantees for its existence and security in stable and predictable European international structures such as NATO and the European Union. The main obstacle for Macedonians on the road to Euro-Atlantic structures was the veto of Greece, a member of these organizations, resulting from Athens’ refusal to accept the name the Republic of Macedonia. The Prespa Agreement of 2018 gave a new impetus to the realization of the international identity of North Macedonia.


2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (14) ◽  
pp. 7597
Author(s):  
Bálint Balázs ◽  
Eszter Kelemen ◽  
Tiziana Centofanti ◽  
Marta W. Vasconcelos ◽  
Pietro P. M. Iannetta

The food- and feed-value systems in the European Union are not protein self-sufficient. Despite the potential of legume-supported production systems to reduce the externalities caused by current cultivation practices (excessive use of N fertilizer) and improve the sustainability of the arable cropping systems and the quality of human diets, sufficient production of high-protein legume grains in Europe has not been achieved due to multiple barriers. Identifying the barriers to the production and consumption of legumes is the first step in realizing new pathways towards more sustainable food systems of which legumes are integral part. In this study, we engage stakeholders and decision-makers in a structured communication process, the Delphi method, to identify policy interventions leveraging barriers that hinder the production and consumption of legumes in the EU. This study is one of a kind and uses a systematic method to reach a common understanding of the policy incoherencies across sectors. Through this method we identify policy interventions that may promote the production of legumes and the creation of legume-based products in the EU. Policies that encourage reduced use of inorganic N fertilizer represent an important step toward a shift in the increased cultivation of legumes. Relatedly, investment in R&D, extension services, and knowledge transfer is necessary to support a smooth transition from the heavy use of synthetic N fertilizer in conventional agriculture. These policy interventions are discussed within current EU and national plant-protein strategies.


2020 ◽  
Vol 21 (3) ◽  
pp. 497-518
Author(s):  
Austė Vaznonytė

What role does the rotating Council Presidency maintain a decade after Lisbon? This article argues that, regardless of institutional changes, the rotating Presidency still shapes the Council agenda to a large extent. Based on an original hand-coded dataset of rotating Presidency programmes between 1997 and 2017, I show that some policies are ‘stickier’ on the Council agenda, while the others exhibit significant changes in salience over time. Since the magnitude of these shifts varies from Presidency to Presidency, the analysis focuses on domestic political factors and the country positioning vis-à-vis the European Union to determine their relationship with agenda volatility. By means of a panel model, the examination demonstrates that the government issue salience can best explain the levels of issue salience in the Presidency programmes.


Modern Italy ◽  
2008 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 135-153 ◽  
Author(s):  
Raffaella A. Del Sarto ◽  
Nathalie Tocci

Focusing on Italy's Middle East policies under the second Berlusconi (2001–2006) and the second Prodi (2006–2008) governments, this article assesses the manner and extent to which the observed foreign policy shifts between the two governments can be explained in terms of the rebalancing between a ‘Europeanist’ and a transatlantic orientation. Arguing that Rome's policy towards the Middle East hinges less on Italy's specific interests and objectives in the region and more on whether the preference of the government in power is to foster closer ties to the United States or concentrate on the European Union, the analysis highlights how these swings of the pendulum along the EU–US axis are inextricably linked to a number of underlying structural weaknesses of Rome's foreign policy. In particular, the oscillations can be explained by the prevalence of short-term political (and domestic) considerations and the absence of long-term, substantive political strategies, or, in short, by the phenomenon of ‘politics without policy’ that often characterises Italy's foreign policy.


2019 ◽  
pp. 43-54
Author(s):  
Hazem Hanbal ◽  
◽  
Saad Metawa ◽  

Globally, Small and Medium Size Enterprises (SMEs) are considered the main contributors to economic activities. In the European Union, SMEs account for around 67 percent of the overall employment by the private sector and were considered the cushion that protected the economy during the recent financial crisis in 2008 [2]. While in the USA, and according to the Small Business Administration and Small Business House, SMEs are responsible for more than half of the private sector non-farm GDP of the nation. In the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region, a recent study by the World Bank revealed that SMEs employ around 40 percent of the workforce in the formal sector (non-agriculture). This number would increase if the informal sector were included. Generally, SMEs are seen as the potential for economic development and a significant source for jobs creation, especially when looking into developing countries. In Egypt, with the declining role of the government being the primary employer until the nineties of last century, and the private sector taking over this role, and the fact that SMEs are the significant portion of the private sector, it is significantly essential to support SMEs for the creation of new jobs, and overall social stability. Constrains facing SMEs are many and are usually different from those facing large businesses. It is also observed that rates of business failure within SMEs are generally higher than with large corporates. This paper aims to seek to identify the reasons behind the failure of SMEs, with a look into the Egyptian and Middle East situations.


Author(s):  
Jared Sonnicksen

AbstractThe European Union remains an ambivalent polity. This uncertainty complicates the assessment of its democratic and federal quality. Drawing on comparative federalism research can contribute not only to making sense of whether, or rather which kind of federalism the EU has developed. It can also enable addressing such a compounded, but necessary inquiry into the federal and democratic character of the EU and how to ascertain which type of democratic government for which type of federal union may be appropriate. The article first elaborates a framework to assess the dimensions of federal and democratic government, drawing on comparative federalism research to delineate basic types of federal democracy. Here the democratic dimension of government is taken as referring primarily to the horizontal division of powers (among ‘branches’) of government, the federal dimension to the vertical division of powers (among ‘levels’) of governments. The framework is applied to the government of the EU in order to gauge its own type(s) of division of power arrangements and the interlinkage between them. Finally, the discussion reflects on whether or rather how the EU could comprise a federal democracy, especially in light of recent crisis challenges and subsequent institutional developments in EU governance.


Author(s):  
Mirza Mehmedović

In the middle of the second decade of the twenty-first century, Bosnia and Herzegovina is at the crossroads of political, economic and cultural revitalization of the society as a country that declarative aims for application of European principles of political organization and the membership in the European Union. On this way there are many open issues that are the result of twenty years of political and economic stagnation or collapse of all elements that should be the foundation for the stabilization of a modern democratic society in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The internal reconstruction of the political system and the revitalisation of the institutions of the government or different holders of political reforms means at the same time the fulfilment of the conditions of accession to Euro-Atlantic integration. The development of a unified media policy in Bosnia and Herzegovina, and the establishment of public media service in accordance with the requirements of the European Union and the interests of all citizens are the top issues among the many current challenges that we have to deal with in the future. But for Bosnia and Herzegovina it is not exclusively the interest of communicational research. It must be necessarily seen in the wider context as a political, cultural and economic issue, because the establishment of a single media/communication system is one of the key requirements for a political compromise, the integration of society and the harmonization of other common (primarily economic) interests for all citizens of Bosnia and Herzegovina. One of the key requirements for defining a unified media policy in Bosnia and Herzegovina is agreeing / reconciliation of all complex (heterogeneous) cultural characteristics, as well as the specific characteristics of modern communication situation in a model that would respond to the specific information needs of citizens and the standards applied by the European Union.


Author(s):  
Dmitrii О. Mikhalev ◽  
◽  
Egor’ A. Sergeev ◽  

The article presents a retrospective analysis of relations between the government of Italy and the European Union institutions in the context of supranational fiscal regulation in 2002–2019. The authors analyze the influence of external and internal factors on the state of public finance in Italy, note the reasons that made it difficult to meet the requirements of the Stability and Growth Pact, study the main issues on the agenda in the EU-Italy relations and their evolution. The authors also come to conclusion that unlike the earlier discussions about correcting budget deficit in Italy, current focus of supranational fiscal governance is shifted to preventing it, what challenges the economic sovereignty of Italy and country’s opportunities to conduct a discretionary fiscal policy.


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