scholarly journals O papel da política externa brasileira e da paradiplomacia na resposta ao coronavírus | Brazilian foreign affairs and paradiplomacy role in the Coronavirus response efforts

2021 ◽  
Vol 12 ◽  
pp. e58859
Author(s):  
Patrícia Oliveira ◽  
Tiago Nery

A partir dos anos 1980, fatores domésticos e sistêmicos contribuíram para que a política externa começasse a incorporar novos atores e temas para além das questões relativas à defesa e à segurança. Nesse contexto, a dimensão subnacional da política externa passou a ganhar cada vez mais importância com a atuação de estados e municípios em busca de um maior protagonismo internacional. Em 2020, com o surto global do coronavírus, essa atuação tem ganhado destaque pela incessante busca de parcerias internacionais para combater a doença, muitas vezes contrariando o governo federal, cuja atuação tem sido marcada pela falta de coordenação e até mesmo pelo conflito entre a União e os entes federativos. De natureza qualitativa, esse artigo utilizará fontes primárias e secundárias a fim de compreender a política externa subnacional voltada para o combate à pandemia.Palavras-chave: Política externa brasileira; paradiplomacia; coronavírus. ABSTRACTSince the 1980s, domestic and systemic factors contributed to the incorporation of new actors and themes in addition to defense and security issues at the foreign policy agenda. In this context, the action of states and municipalities searching for a greater international role result in a growth of importance of the subnational dimension of foreign policy. In 2020, with the global outbreak of coronavirus, this performance has gained prominence due to the subnational governments incessant search for international partnerships to fight the disease, often contradicting the federal government, whose performance has been marked by the lack of coordination and even by the conflict between the Union and federative entities. As a qualitative research, this article will use primary and secondary sources in order to understand the subnational foreign policy aimed at combating the pandemic.Keywords: Brazilian foreign policy; paradiplomacy; coronavirus. Recebido em: 01 abr. 2021 | Aceito em: 20 mai. 2021.

2013 ◽  
Vol 05 (03) ◽  
pp. 5-16
Author(s):  
Lance L P GORE

The new foreign policy team is more professional and with an Asian focus than its older counterpart. Although still fragmented, it may have stronger leadership and better coordination. This is critically important because China is at a defining moment as to its international role. Xi Jinping's closer ties with the military and his hands-on style may encourage assertive nationalism and more active role of the military in foreign affairs.


2021 ◽  

This volume addresses the international challenges that the US faces in the post-Trump era. Will President Joe Biden succeed in restoring the traditional leadership role of the US? What are the international and domestic hurdles for Biden in advancing his foreign policy agenda? Drawing on a liberal perspective in international relations, the chapters highlight how domestic and international politics are intertwined. Societal interests, partisan polarisation, and executive–legislative relations shape the hegemon’s international role in various policy areas, such as arms control and climate and trade policy, but also regarding the country’s relationships towards friends and foes. The book brings together the expertise of scholars who specialise in the US and transatlantic relations, in celebration of Jürgen Wilzewski. With contributions by Hakan Akbulut, Johannes Artz, Florian Böller, Gordon Friedrichs, Gerlinde Groitl, Steffen Hagemann, Lukas Herr, Katja Leikert, Marcus Höreth, Gerhard Mangott, Marcus Müller, Ronja Ritthaler-Andree, Peter Rudolf, Oliver Thränert, Söhnke Schreyer, David Sirakov, Georg Wenzelburger and Reinhard Wolf.


Author(s):  
Nigar Tahir qizi Sultanova

The European Council represents the supreme level of political cooperation between the EU member-states. Diverse questions pertaining to international politics are discusses on the various levels: summits (in 2019 EU – League of Arab States summit, EU –China summit, EU – Ukraine summit in Kyiv, EU – Canada summit in Montreal, G7 summit); conferences and informal meetings; council boards on foreign affairs; joint conferences; association councils, etc. A new strategic agenda 2019-2024 adopted by the European Council determines he priority areas that guide the work of the European Special Councils and other EU institutions. Transatlantic relations, crises in Syria, Ukraine and other parts of the world, relations with Russia, Iran nuclear deal, and other question remain on the agenda of the European Council. The article explores the legal framework of the actions of European Council in the area of foreign policy. The overview of foreign policy agenda of the European Council allows analyzing the role of the European Union on the international arena.


2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 171-202
Author(s):  
V. L. Jeifets

The paper examines the foreign policy of Mexico during the first years of President A. M. López Obrador (AMLO) administration (2018‒2020). The research aims to both identify the key priorities of the country’s foreign policy (i.e., relations with the United States and Latin American countries, particularly in the context of the Venezuelan and Bolivian crises, as well as the Central American migration crisis) and to weigh it up against traditional patterns of Mexico’s foreign policy behavior, as well as to assess its overall feasibility. The latter issue is all the more relevant since the center-left administration of AMLO is constantly criticized for its ‘populism’. The paper shows that Mexico continues to prioritize relations with the United States not only in terms of economic cooperation (within the USMCA framework) and in addressing the migration crisis but also in terms of the overall foreign policy agenda setting as well. However, the author emphasizes that although the pressure from the United States is significant and can take various forms, Mexico manages to pursue an independent and multifaceted policy, as the Venezuelan and Bolivian crises have shown. Such a policy is based on the traditional principles that have crystallized during the years of maneuvering between the interests of the great powers and which, according to AMLO and the Mexican Ministry of Foreign Affairs, should not be subject to any revision. These principles include non-interference in the internal affairs of other states and respect for their sovereignty, as well as respect for the right to political asylum. It is these principles that may contribute to reinforcing the international role of Mexico both regionally and globally despite a rather limited involvement of the current administration in foreign policy matters and its focus on domestic issues. Thus, the author concludes that beneath the populist rhetoric of A. M. López Obrador lies a fairly traditional foreign policy, warranted by the domestic situation and international environment.


2017 ◽  
Vol 18 (4) ◽  
pp. 491-513
Author(s):  
LIV COLEMAN

AbstractUnder conservative Prime Minister Abe Shinzo, Japan has embarked upon a high profile ‘Womenomics’ foreign policy agenda to highlight Japan's official development assistance (ODA) contributions to women's empowerment worldwide. This paper examines the puzzle of why such an avowedly conservative government would pursue a feminist foreign policy agenda. The paper finds that Japan's Womenomics diplomacy cannot be explained simply by materialist or domestic political explanations, but is best understood as a strategic campaign stemming from elite concern about Japan's national identity and esteem about its status in the world. Through Womenomics diplomacy, Japan's Ministry of Foreign Affairs attempts to construct Japan as a leader on women's rights and gender equality in response to the twin stigmas of Japan's treatment of wartime ‘comfort women’ and perennial low rankings on international indexes of gender equality.


2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Fauzia Darabu, Prof. Dr. Sayeda Daud

Pakistan has a long history of economic and political instability despite being an ally of the west. All national and external decisions were dependent on the interests of these powers. Pakistan never had the opportunity to establish either a strong democratic government or to pursue any independent, foreign relations since 1947specially during Soviet invasion of Afghanistan, in December, 1979. Despite of sacrificing lives of many of her citizens during the War on Terror after 9/11, instead of appreciation form the West especially the US, Pakistan was labeled as a terrorist and an extremist Muslim Country. Kept isolated from the International Community, Pakistan was left no choice but to look for a more regional ally with common interests. Joining hands with China, the most trusted friend and an economic giant, seemed the only option. In this way, Pakistan hoped to play a better international role by having relations with all players in the region. To find out the root causes of these problems, a Qualitative Research Method was applied for a descriptive, in-depth critical analysis by, reliable and authentic primary and secondary sources. This research has made an attempt to clarify the risks and the stance of US as a stake holder; China-Pakistan relations, especially in the context of CPEC. The research has tried to highlight the importance of a state’s self-reliance and freedom to have an independent foreign policy of a developing country like Pakistan.


2020 ◽  
Vol 21 (4) ◽  
pp. 634-656
Author(s):  
Frank M Häge

Supranational bureaucracies are often promoted as a solution to collective action problems. In the European Union context, investing the High Representative for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy with new agenda-setting powers was expected to improve the coherence, continuity and efficiency of foreign policy-making. Relying on novel fine-grained and comprehensive data about the content and duration of working party meetings, the study maps and analyses the allocation of political attention to different foreign policy issues between 2001 and 2014. The results show that the empowerment of the High Representative by the Lisbon Treaty had little immediate effect on the Council’s foreign policy agenda. However, the study also indicates that this result might be due to a lack of capability and ambition rather than weak institutional prerogatives.


Politeja ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 17 (6(69)) ◽  
pp. 135-159
Author(s):  
Janusz Józef Węc

The Evolution of the Concept of Hans-Dietrich Genscher in the German Détente Policy in the Years 1974-1989. Genesis – Instruments – Impact The main aim of this article is to present the genesis, instruments and real influence of the concept of the “realistic” détente policy of the German Minister of Foreign Affairs Hans-Dietrich Genscher on the foreign policy of the German federal government in the years 1974-1989. The author formulates a thesis that Genscher’s concept had very significant influence on the program activities of the FDP as well as on the practical foreign policy of the SPD/FDP governments (1974-1982) and CDU/CSU/FDP governments (1982-1989), whereby the year 1985 was an important turning point in this evolution.


2019 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 74-79
Author(s):  
Nargiza Sodikova ◽  
◽  
◽  

Important aspects of French foreign policy and national interests in the modern time,France's position in international security and the specifics of foreign affairs with the United States and the European Union are revealed in this article


2020 ◽  
Vol 2020 (10-3) ◽  
pp. 228-237
Author(s):  
Marina Shpakovskaya ◽  
Oleg Barnashov ◽  
Arian Mohammad Hassan Shershah ◽  
Asadullah Noori ◽  
Mosa Ziauddin Ahmad

The article discusses the features and main approaches of Turkish foreign policy in the Middle East. Particular attention is paid to the history of the development of Turkish-American relations. The causes of the contradictions between Turkey and the United States on the security issues of the Middle East region are analyzed. At the same time, the commonality of the approaches of both countries in countering radical terrorism in the territories adjacent to Turkey is noted. The article also discusses the priority areas of Turkish foreign policy, new approaches and technologies in the first decade of the XXI century.


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