scholarly journals Los temas de la discusión pública en las elecciones presidenciales chilenas 2005: relaciones entre las agendas de los medios y las agendas mediatizadas de los candidatos y del gobierno

2009 ◽  
Vol 46 ◽  
Author(s):  
Willian Porath
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Public Discussion ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
The Public ◽  
Media Agenda ◽  
Quantitative Content ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Government ◽  
Medios De Comunicacion ◽  
Presidential Election Campaign

RESUMEN: El objetivo del presente trabajo es analizar cuáles fueron los temas de la discusión pública que predominaron en los medios de comunicación chilenos durante la campaña presidencial de fines de 2005, y cuáles fueron los temas con que los candidatos y el gobierno aparecieron posicionados en ellos. Utilizando el marco metodológico y conceptual de la teoría de la agenda setting se analizan las interrelaciones entre las agendas de estos tres actores con el objetivo de describir de qué manera se articuló la discusión pública. Se realizó un análisis de contenido cuantitativo de los dos principales diarios y de los noticieros centrales de tres canales nacionales. Los resultados muestran una pauta distinta para la televisión y la prensa escrita, siendo esta última la que está más cerca de los temas con los que los actores políticos aparecen en los medios. El estudio también revela que el entonces presidente Ricardo Lagos y sus voceros muestran en los medios agendas distintas. En cuanto a los candidatos, en un marco de grandes similitudes, tiende a darse un eje de discusión entre la candidata oficialista Michelle Bachelet, por un lado, y sus tres contendores, por otro, los que aparecen con discursos homogeneizados.ABSTRACT: The purpose of this paper is to show the public discussion topics that dominated the mass media during the last presidential election campaign in Chile in late 2005. It also intends to determine the topics for which the candidates and the government appeared in the media. Agenda-setting’s conceptual theory and methodological frame were employed to analyze the inter-relations among the agendas of these three public actors with the aim to describe how the public discussion was articulated. A quantitative content analysis was carried out on the two most influential newspapers and the three most important television newscasts. The results show a difference in television’s agenda compared with newspapers’. In fact, the papers’ agenda is closer to the topics, which the political actors appear in the media. The results also reveal that President Ricardo Lagos and his speakers appear with different agendas in the media. The candidates share many similarities, but while a discussion is evident between the government’s candidate Michelle Bachelet and her three contenders, the latter tend to appear in the media with a homogenous agenda.

Framing media populism: The political role of news media editorials in Duterte’s Philippines

Journalism ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 146488492095950
Author(s):  
Jefferson Lyndon D Ragragio
Keyword(s):  
News Media ◽  
The Philippines ◽  
The Political ◽  
Fourth Estate ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
Media Frames ◽  
Political Role ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Government

Editorials are a political force used by news media to fulfil its watchdog function in fragile democracies like the Philippines. However, they also serve as a platform to invite a more positive reading of strongman administration. Against the backdrop of media populism, the article will problematize how the Fourth Estate articulates its political stance by examining the tensions and complexities in editorials. It will highlight the ways the media deals with subjects and stories surrounding Rodrigo Duterte. Through an analysis of editorials of four leading dominant news outlets (Bulletin, Inquirer, Rappler, and Star), three meta-thematic categories of media frames are uncovered. First, character degradation frames delineate how the media denounces the ties of Duterte with other political actors, particularly the Marcoses and China’s Xi. Second, pro-establishment frames echo the optimistic mantra of the government amid crisis. And third, non-editorial frames exhibit the failure of media to publish watchdog-inspired editorials. Each of these categories has underlying frames that are indicative of the democratic potential, or lack thereof, of news media.

scholarly journals What Does a Constitution Expect from Immigrants?

2017 ◽  
Vol 18 (7) ◽  
pp. 1641-1656 ◽  
Author(s):  
Uwe Volkmann
Keyword(s):  
National Culture ◽  
Social Practice ◽  
Political System ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
Political Community ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Media ◽  
Clear Idea

It is a long-established commonplace in any debate on immigration that immigrants should integrate into their receiving society. But integrate into what precisely? Into the labor market, into the legal order, into the political system, into a national culture whatever this might comprise? The Article tries to approach the question from the legal point of view and looks for hints or clues in the constitution which might help us with the answer. For this purpose, it explores the general theory of the constitution as it has been shaped by its professional interpreters as well as by political actors, the media and the public. The main intuition is that “constitution” is not only a written document, a text with a predefined, though maybe hidden meaning; instead, it is a social practice evolving over time and thereby reflecting the shared convictions of a political community of what is just and right. Talking about constitutional expectations toward immigrants then also tells us something about ourselves: about who we are and what kind of community we want to live in. As it turns out, we may not have a very clear idea of that.

British Public Opinion, Colour Issues, and Enoch Powell: a Longitudinal Analysis

1974 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
pp. 371-381 ◽  
Author(s):  
Donley T. Studlar
Keyword(s):  
Capital Punishment ◽  
Longitudinal Analysis ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
The Public ◽  
Cultural Expectation ◽  
The Common ◽  
The Government ◽  
Enoch Powell

Relationships between the public and the political elite in Britain are generally thought to be explicable in terms of a ‘strong leadership’ hypothesis, according to which the public responds to initiatives put forward by leading political actors. Reflecting the popular will is not thought to be a highly prized activity among British politicians, who supposedly share the general cultural expectation that the public defers to the wisdom of those more knowledgeable than themselves, the public being content with the opportunity to pronounce electorally on the fitness of the Government at least once every five years. Occasionally voices are heard demanding that more attention be paid to the wishes of the general public, as in recent years in regard to the Common Market and capital punishment, but these demands have so far gone unheeded.

Los medios de comunicación y la lucha contra la corrupción

2016 ◽  
pp. 163-198
Author(s):  
Francesc-Andreu MARTÍNEZ GALLEGO
Keyword(s):  
Mass Media ◽  
Good Governance ◽  
Political Corruption ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
El Sistema ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Mass Media ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Medios De Comunicacion

LABURPENA: Lan hau komunikabideen eta ustelkeria politikoaren arteko harremanei buruzkoa da. Lanaren estrategia komunikabideek gobernatzaileen eta gobernatuen arteko harremanak hedatzeko bitarteko aktiboak bezala duten jarrera agertzea da, hau da, komunikabideek ustelkeriari buruz emandako informazioa izan ez dadin prentsaren jatorrietatik datorren ataza soila, hots, askatasun publikoen eta gobernu onaren watchdog or atari-txakur lana. Gauzak horrela, komunikabideak aktore politikoak dira, interes partikularrak dituzte eta egitateekiko elkarrekintza dute, eta egitate horiei garrantzia ematen diete (edo ez), interesen arabera. Ustelkeria politikoko eskandaluak kazetaritzako argitan, komunikabideen enpresen interesen arabera eta sistema politikoaren eta komunikabide sistemaren arteko harremanak kontuan izanda aztertu behar dira. Horrela soilik ahal izango diogu lana honen funtsari ekin, alegia: zer egin dezakete komunikabideek demokraziaren kalitatea handitzeko, hau da, ustelkeria politikoa bertatik erauzi edo, gutxienez, mugatzeko? RESUMEN: El presente trabajo es un estudio crítico sobre la relación existente entre medios de comunicación y corrupción política. La estrategia del mismo consiste en desvelar la posición de los medios de comunicación como mediatizadores activos de la relación entre gobernantes y gobernados, de manera que la información sobre corrupción producida por los medios no se vea como el mero cumplimiento de una tarea asignada desde sus orígenes ilustrados a la prensa, a saber, su labor de watchdog o perro guardián de las libertades públicas y del buen gobierno. Vistas así las cosas, los medios se configuran como actores políticos con intereses particulares que interaccionan con los hechos y a los que confieren (o no) la entidad de noticiables en grados diversos. Los escándalos de corrupción política deben estudiarse a la luz de las narrativas periodísticas, a la luz de los condicionamientos empresariales de los medios y a la luz de la configuración de las relaciones entre el sistema político y el sistema mediático. Sólo así podremos encarar la cuestión de fondo que se plantea al final de este trabajo y que pregunta qué pueden hacer los medios de comunicación para acrecentar la calidad de la democracia extirpando o al menos limitando en ella la corrupción política. ABSTRACT: This work is a critical analysis about the relationship between mass media and political corruption. Its strategy is to unveil the mass media position as an activ mediator in the relationship between governers and governeds so that information about corruption by the media cannot be seen as the simple fullfilment of an assigned task to the press since its Enlightment origins, i.e. their job of watchdog or guard dog for public liberties and good governance. As things stand, mass media are configured as political actors with particular interests that interact with facts to which the give (or not) a gradual entity of political newsworthiness. The scandals of political corruption should be studied in the light of journalistic narratives, corporate constraints of the mass media and the setting of relationships among the political and the media system. Only this way we will be able to face the underlying issue that arises at the end of this work and that questions what mass media can do in order to improve the quality of democracy by removing or at least constraining within the political corruption.

scholarly journals Defamation Laws and Practice in the Age of Internet in Albania

2018 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
pp. 61 ◽  
Author(s):  
Adrian Leka
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Government Officials ◽  
The Public ◽  
High Profile ◽  
Judicial Corruption ◽  
The Status ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Government ◽  
The One

The picture of recent legal developments concerning defamation in Albania is mixed. On the one hand, several criminal defamation and insult statuteshave been abolishedsince 2012, following strong lobbying of human rights organizations. On the other, the application of criminal defamation laws has not stopped, while government officials and other high profile persons have discovered the power of civil defamation claims. Faced with intense criticism, the government has tried to re-introduce the abolished criminal defamation laws and has faced the same strong opposition and international outcry. In the meantime, defamation claims or threats thereof are routinely being used against the media or against the political opponent for the only purposes of creating tension and diffusing the attention of the public. The vagueness of the laws and the inconsistencies of judicial interpretation, helped in no little measure by judicial corruption and the political control of the judiciary, have widened the gap between constitutional and international guarantees of the freedom of speech and the actual enforcement of those guarantees. This article will briefly expose the history of defamation laws in Albania, the difficulties of their application, and the status of affairs concerning defamation laws and claims.

Media with reputational concerns: yes men or watchdogs?

2019 ◽  
pp. 1-20
Author(s):  
Greg Chih-Hsin Sheen
Keyword(s):  
Information Sources ◽  
Political Process ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Public ◽  
Other Information ◽  
The Media ◽  
Media Reports ◽  
The Government ◽  
Reputational Concerns

AbstractDuring the political process, the electorate needs to determine the competence of the government by both observing its policy decisions and acquiring information from the media. However, media reports are often criticized for not being independent and truthful. This paper discusses whether the public can determine the quality of a government from media reports. In other words, are media outlets more likely to act as watchdogs or just as “yes men” to the government? This paper argues that, because of reputational concerns, the media usually avoid criticizing the government. The media only report truthfully when the expected competence of the government is sufficiently low and the probability for the voter to learn from other information sources is sufficiently high. Otherwise, media outlets—especially low-quality outlets—will pander to the government in their reporting. Policy bias or media capture is not required for the yes-man problem to prevail.

Mediated representation of Middle Eastern and African migrants in UK and US press in the Wake of Brexit and Trumpism

Journalism ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 146488492098469
Author(s):  
John-Bell S Okoye
Keyword(s):  
Content Analysis ◽  
Media Coverage ◽  
Middle Eastern ◽  
Salient Feature ◽  
The Political ◽  
Cultural Backgrounds ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
Quantitative Content ◽  
The Media ◽  
Migrant Groups

Immigration was a salient feature of Trump and Brexit campaigns in 2016. In view of this, the study assumes that media coverage of Middle Eastern and African (MEA) migrants in international press might deteriorate. Extracting contents from Bloomberg Businessweek, Time and The Economist magazines for the years 2016–2018, the phenomenon was investigated using quantitative content analysis and qualitative textual analysis methods. The findings showed that MEA migrants are positively framed. However, the metaphors and language of constructing the image of these migrant groups belie the positive frames, making references to migrants’ values, cultural backgrounds, faith, and origins in a way that dehumanises and capable of generating hostile attitudes towards them. Of the categories of sources used, politicians’ voices and quotes dominated the coverage with references to the political actors of the 2016 epochal events, while the voices of MEA migrants are underrepresented. What these findings suggest is that not only did the 2016 Brexit and Trump immigration discourses influenced MEA migrants’ portrayals, they also indicated that the media is still manufacturing consent with regards to immigration coverage.

scholarly journals The Influence of Political Actors in the Digital Public Debate on Twitter About the Negotiations for the Formation of the Government in Spain

2021 ◽  
pp. 000276422110031
Author(s):  
Andreu Casero-Ripollés ◽  
Laura Alonso-Muñoz ◽  
Silvia Marcos-García
Keyword(s):  
Mass Communication ◽  
Public Debate ◽  
Negotiation Process ◽  
The Political ◽  
Digital Platforms ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
Social Actors ◽  
The Public ◽  
Political Conversation ◽  
The Government

Social media has introduced new parameters that can potentially transform the digital political conversation. Traditionally, in the age of mass communication, public debate was dominated by politicians and journalists. However, digital platforms, primarily Twitter, have allowed other social actors to join the political discussion, trying to influence it. The objective of this research is to establish what factors enable the authority and digital influence of political actors in the public debate on Twitter. We use a big data sample of 127.3 million tweets from the negotiation process around the formation of the Government in Spain. The applied methodology is based on social network analysis and machine learning. The results show that ideology, political initiative, and political career are configured as factors capable of conditioning the authority and influence of political actors in the political conversation on Twitter.

scholarly journals Orígenes y desarrollo de la teoría de la agenda setting en Comunicación. Tendencias en España (2014-2019)

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alberto Ardévol-Abreu ◽  
Homero Gil de Zúñiga ◽  
Maxwell E. McCombs
Keyword(s):  
Agenda Setting ◽  
Communication Research ◽  
The Public ◽  
Media Agenda ◽  
The Core ◽  
Public Agenda ◽  
The Media ◽  
Setting Theory ◽  
Siglo Xx ◽  
Medios De Comunicacion

The core hypothesis of the theory of agenda setting is that there is a process of transfer of salience from the media agenda to the public agenda. Since its original conception in the early 1970s, the explanatory model of ‘issue-agenda setting’ (first level) has been extended to help explain the transfer of the media’s ‘attribute agenda’ (second level) and ‘network agenda’ (third level) to the public agenda. This article provides a review of the agenda-setting model and its theoretical and empirical development, ending with a section that summarizes and discusses research studies published in this area in the last five years in Spain. Despite the broad influence of the agenda-setting theory in communication research in this country, Despite the broad influence of the agenda-setting theory in communication research in this country, many of the studies use the theory as a general framework for conducting a content analysis, withouh empirically testing any process of salience transfer. Resumen La teoría de la agenda setting establece como hipótesis central que existe un fenómeno de transferencia de relevancia desde la agenda de los medios de comunicación hasta la agenda del público. Desde su formulación en los años 70 del siglo XX, el modelo explicativo de la agenda setting de asuntos (primer nivel) se ha ido ramificando para poder explicar la transmisión de la agenda de los atributos (segundo nivel) y la agenda de redes –o relaciones– (tercer nivel). El presente artículo lleva a cabo una revisión del modelo y su evolución teórica y empírica, para acabar acercándose a su utilización en la investigación publicada en España en el último quinquenio. A pesar de la amplia repercusión de la agenda setting en la investigación publicada en este país, muchos de los trabajos utilizan la teoría como marco general para llevar a cabo análisis de contenido sin llegar a plantear (empíricamente) ningún fenómeno de transferencia de relevancia.

scholarly journals Los efectos de la posverdad en la democracia // The effects of post-truth politics on democracy

2018 ◽  
Vol 1 (103) ◽  
pp. 191 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rafael Rubio Núñez
Keyword(s):  
Social Relations ◽  
Information Overload ◽  
Raw Material ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
The Public ◽  
New Type ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Creation ◽  
Medios De Comunicacion

Resumen:Política y verdad no van siempre de la mano. Tradicionalmente la diversidad de actores políticos, el derecho a la información y el papel de los medios de comunicación ha logrado un equilibrio imprescindible para el desarrollo de la democracia. La tecnología ha transformado de manera revolucionaria la comunicación, impactando en las formas de captar, almacenar, producir, distribuir y percibir la información convertida en materia prima imprescindible de las relaciones económicas, industriales y sociales. Esta transformación afecta de manera especial a la política, con la aparición de un nuevo tipo de trastornos informativos que inciden no sólo en la capacidad de distribución, sino también en el tiempo de la misma, la sentimentalización de las decisiones políticas, la fragmentación de la opinión pública, la creación de esferas públicas paralelas polarizadas y la creación de un clima de sospecha general que pone en cuestión el papel de la verdad y pone en peligro la democracia, más allá de los periodos electorales.Summary:1. Communication and Society. 1.1. Truth and Politics: a weird relationship. 2. Not such a novelty. 3. What is post-truth politics? 3.1. What is new about post-truth politics? 3.1.a. Fiction or reality? 3.1.b The importance of image. 3.1.c A distorted reality. / The distortion of reality. 3.1.d. Timing. 3.1.e. Transparency and information overload. 3.1.f. Perception and cognitive dissonance. 3.1.g. Fragmentation and polarization. 3.1.h. Hyperconnectivity and communication parties. 4. Truth and Democracy. 5. The effects of post-truth politics on democracy. 6. Catalonia: a testing ground for post-truth politics. Abstract:Politics and truth do not always go hand in hand. Traditionally, the diversity of political actors, access to information and the role of the media have achieved an essential balance for the development of democracy. Technology has transformed communication in a revolutionary way, influencing the ways of producing, transmitting, distributing and perceiving information, converted into essential raw material for economic, industrial and social relations. This transformation affects politics in a special way, with the appearance of a new type of information disruptions which affect not only the distribution capacity, but also the timing of it, the sentimentalization of political decisions, the fragmentation of the public opinion, the creation of polarized parallel public spheres and the creation of a climate of general suspicion that questions the role of truth and endangers democracy, beyond the electoral periods.

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