scholarly journals PAKAIAN SYAR’I, MEDIA DAN KONSTRUKSI KESALEHAN PEREMPUAN

2019 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 61
Author(s):  
Nurul Afifah

One of the themes that are often sought after by Muslim women on social media is the syar'i clothing. It aims to find clothes that are in accordance with the shari'ah of Religion. On the contrary, the production of syar'i clothing on social media is increasing. This study would like to look further at how media discourse attracts attention and constructs women's understandings of the syar'i clothing. This study use the discourse analysis approach by Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe – with stages: exploration, identification, classification and interpretation. The results of this study are (1) the syar'i clothing discourse on social media is one form of social phenomena in society that is in the form of the emergence of a movement from a particular group in the State of Indonesia (2) basically that discourse is hegemony to clothing not syar'i. (3) the discourses also show the existence of certain motives from the pro syar'i group, namely in the form of realizing and demanding equality and recognition as the cultures of Indonesian society which already existed and were known in Indonesian society.Salah satu tema yang sering diminati oleh wanita muslim di media sosial adalah Pakaian Syar’i. Hal ini bertujuan mencari pakaian yang sesuai dengan syari’at Agama. Sebaliknya, produksi Pakaian Syar’i di media sosial pun semakin meningkat. Kajian ini ingin melihat lebih jauh bagaimana wacana media menarik perhatian dan mengkonstruk pemahaman-pemahaman wanita tentang Pakaian Syar’i. Kajian ini menggunakan pendekatan analisis wacana Ernesto Laclau dan Chantal Mouffe – dengan Tahapan; eksplorasi, identifikasi, klasifikasi dan interpretasi. Hasil dari kajian ini adalah (1) wacana Pakaian Syar’i di media sosial adalah salah satu bentuk fenomena sosial di masyarakat yakni berupa munculnya sebuah gerakan dari kelompok tertentu di Negara Indonesia (2) pada dasarnya wacana-wacana tersebut merupakan bentuk hegemoni terhadap pakaian-pakaian yang dianggap tidak syar’i. (3) wacana-wacana itu juga menunjukkan adanya motif-motif tertentu dari kelompok pro syar’i yakni berupa mewujudkan dan menuntut kesetaraan dan pengakuan selayaknya budaya-budaya masyarakat Indonesia yang sudah lebih dulu ada dan dikenal di masyarakat Indonesia.

2016 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 19 ◽  
Author(s):  
Annisa R. Beta

Abstract: This paper addresses discursive processes that generated ‘jilboobs’ term. It tries to ground the notion of socially mediated publicness and its affordances by investigating the process of image making of Indonesian Muslim women. Using Foucauldian discourse analysis approach, the result shows three characteristics of Indonesia’s socially mediated publicness: (1) religiosity has a central role in the shift and contestation of private versus public sphere, (2) the visual turn of the social media has given specifi c augmentation for networked public affordances, and (3) feminine pious bodies are often marked by their concurrent presence and absence. Abstrak: Makalah ini membahas proses diskursif yang memunculkan istilah ‘jilboobs’. Gagasan socially mediated publicness atau kepublikan termediasi dan berbagai bentuk affordances diaplikasikan dengan meneliti proses pencitraan perempuan muslim berjilbab di Indonesia. Menggunakan analisa diskursus Foucauldian, penelitian ini menemukan bahwa terdapat tiga karakteristik dari kepublikan termediasi di Indonesia, yaitu: (1) religiusitas berperan penting dalam pergeseran dan kontestasi pemisahan ranah publik dengan ranah privat, (2) semakin pentingnya dimensi visual dalam media sosial memberikan penekanan spesifi k pada elemen affordances, dan (3) tubuh feminin saleh dalam kepublikan yang termediasi muncul bersamaan melalui keberadaan dan ketiadaan.


2021 ◽  
pp. 095792652110487
Author(s):  
Tian Xiang Lan ◽  
Gene Segarra Navera

Adopting the Critical Discourse Analysis perspective, this study investigates the ideology reflected by the anti-Islam and anti-Muslim discourse in China, the power dynamics revealed by such discourse and how social media discourse differs from and utilises the government discourse. Four ways to disguise the anti-Muslims, anti-Islam prejudice are investigated: appealing to patriotism to demand cultural assimilation; claiming to defend secularism; framing Islam as incompatible with mainstream culture; appealing to consumer rights to reject halal food. Non-Muslims and assimilated Muslims (especially the elites) are found to have the prerogative to dictate who belong to the ingroup, what dietary restrictions are legitimate and whom to blame when undesirable situations arise, while Muslim non-elites are at the receiving end of such dictates. This study also argues that social media discourse expresses antagonism of higher intensity than the government discourse does, and may misappropriate the official narratives to express the interlocutor’s hatred towards Muslims.


2003 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 45-58 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ian Stuart

This article discusses the Maori construction of a national Maori identity by the Maori media, and by Maori radio in particular. It then suggests that this is creating a Maori nation within the state of New Zealand. This is an important development for Maori and for the future of New Zealand society. The article suggests that Maori are creating a fully developed identity as required by the radical democratic theories of Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe, and, as such, will provide a practical case study of their theories. 


2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 31
Author(s):  
W Wahyudi

This article analyzes the phenomenon of socio-political “crime”, which occursand develops in the state life of Indonesia. The form of this phenomenon is socialnegativism; a concept of which views the different socio-cultural attributes apartfrom itself as negativity. The ideology of this concept resulted in personalitydeterioration through the trendsetting events with a background of ethnicity,religion, race, and inter-group relation on social media. This portrait of the socialworld is very much in contradiction with the character or identity of Indonesianswho uphold the values and norms of Pancasila and the 1945 Constitution. Thepersonality deterioration politics aims at destroying the integrity of politicalcontestants, both generally and in particular, therefore, it can widen the road to itssuccess in gaining power supremacy. The emergence of personality deteriorationpolitics is due to the weakness of civil society in Indonesia. On one side, theIndonesian public still depends significantly on the state, and on the other hand,it does not have full freedom to avoid the nepotism as a common practice in thecountry. This weakness of Indonesian civil society has resulted in the inability ofmulticulturalism to develop in the country.The particular situation and condition have caused the more common practice ofsocial negativism and personal deterioration. These pathogenic social phenomena, bothmicro and macro, has become a serious threat towards the life of the nation, which aims atcreating prosperity and serenity for all its citizen.


2020 ◽  
Vol 33 (3) ◽  
pp. 299
Author(s):  
Siti Kholifah

This study’s primary focus is to examine the discourse of the NKRI (Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia) and that of the caliphate that has been developing on social media. It involves essential issues because Indonesia’s state and religion have had a dynamic relationship since the New Order era. The debatable issue related to the state and religion shows that religion is a crucial subject used to maintain the state. As a state, Indonesia emphasizes multicultural values; however, some people or organizations have an intolerance of Indonesia’s plurality promoted on social media. Using Foucault’s theory on discourse, power, and knowledge, this study was conducted by applying big data to Social Network Analysis (SNA) through the netlytic program. Big data is a new method developed to analyze the social phenomena that happen in the digital era. This study examines the assumption that the discourse of the NKRI is not a single discourse in the Indonesian context. It is in addition to the caliphate’s discourse, although the NKRI is still the dominant discourse. The debatable issue within the discourse of the NKRI and the caliphate is related to dynamic religious organizations that are not based on cultural values. They tend to be either puritan (seeking to purify the doctrine) or radical. This situation is also related to the political context where the caliphate’s discourse is developing related to Jakarta’s local election. There is also the issue of the religious defamation conducted by Basuki Tjahaja Purnama (Ahok). This situation explains the increase in Islamic political roles that are not affected by the sociological context. The roles are more impacted by political elites who are using religion as a political vehicle.


2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (10) ◽  
pp. 379
Author(s):  
Maartje Van Der Van Der Woude ◽  
Nanou Van Van Iersel

This article explores the political and media discourse in The Netherlands around COVID-19 and migration. In so doing, it asks to what extent the dynamics of ‘governing COVID-19 through migration’ are visible in this discourse. By asking this question, the article builds upon the theoretical frameworks of ‘governing through crime’ and ‘governing through migration control’. Both theoretical frameworks place a strong emphasis on the role of discourse in framing certain social phenomena as a threat, concern or risk. By carrying out a discourse analysis on Dutch political and media debates around COVID-19 and migration in the period 1 January 2020–1 November 2021, the article illustrates that despite the linking of migration and crime not only being very visible but also seemingly normalized in this discourse, the links made between COVID-19 and migration were much more nuanced. Furthermore, although COVID-19 and migration were discussed together, the discourse does not show any evidence of governing COVID-19 through migration by using the pandemic to push for very restrictive migration laws targeting only ‘vagabonds’ while still allowing the mobility of ‘tourists’).


2020 ◽  
Vol 107 (2) ◽  
pp. 141-157
Author(s):  
Emma Elisabeth Kiis

AbstractThis article uses messages communicated through the Islamic State’s propaganda magazine, Rumiyah, to explore the applicability of text mining methods in discourse analysis. The repertoire of narratives used in Rumiyah is examined through the theoretical framework of Narrative Criminology in combination with Discourse Theory, as presented by Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe. Techniques and methods from the field of digital text mining are also applied. The current article therefore has two sections: a quantitatively-deduced discourse analysis and a qualitatively-deduced discourse analysis.


2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 155-177 ◽  
Author(s):  
Munira Cheema

This study focuses on a series of events related to the sudden disappearance of bloggers in Pakistan on 7 January 2017. Following the incident, the broadcast media reported that the bloggers were sharing blasphemous content and were involved in anti-state activities. This revelation triggered online conversations that questioned their sympathizers’ patriotism and loyalty to Islam. The study locates how this led to the emergence of several hashtag-led publics on Twitter. While focusing two hashtags that polarized the publics on the issue, the study utilizes discourse analysis to evaluate the discourses generated by the conservative and the liberal publics on patriotism and national identity. This study finds that while conflating national identity with Islam, the conservative discourse constitutes angry, threat-like closed statements that allowed no room for disagreement. Liberal publics, on the other hand, use strategic speaking to create anti-state discourse on patriotism. Despite the heated exchange between the two publics, I argue that on this occasion (event-led), Twitter offered the opportunity for initiating counter-narratives that refuse to translate patriotism in the idiom of religion. I see this as an occasional, episodic, yet unprecedented form of public sphering in Pakistani context that brings both liberals and conservatives in direct contact with each other.


2018 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 80
Author(s):  
Ratna Sari ◽  
Silvia Eka Putri ◽  
Herdi Herdi ◽  
Budianto Hamuddin

The precarious and critical period of the initiation of Discourse Analysis was populer at the end of the 1990s and the beginning of 2000s. Various approaches and frameworks were proposed during the time especially in the field of Applied Linguistics. This is including Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) as one of its leading areas.� This present study aimed at exploring and catching out how the CDA� presentation in overall related to Media studies and how it can be applicable to uncover an unseen ideologies while examining the existence of media discourse studies. The study is considering 25 journal studies to scrutinize the ways and methods used in discern social phenomena while illuminating the true characteristics of the social actors. As result, it was revealed that� CDA is used openly to expose ideologies that somehow differentiate oppressed groups by offering a dummy image used by the highest authority or elite.Keywords: CDA; ideology; media discourse; social actors; power.


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