scholarly journals Akar Gerakan Politik Fundamentalisme Islam di Era Modern (Studi terhadap Pemikiran Karen Armstrong)

Author(s):  
Muhamad Subekhi

This study analyzes the roots of the fundamentalist Islam political movement in the modern era by specifically tracing the logic in Islamic theology specific to Islamic fundamentalism. On this basis, this study uses a descriptive interpretative approach through which researchers try to critically dissect how Armstrong views the political ideology of Islamic fundamentalism. The Islamic fundamentalism movement, in particular, must be understood as a political movement. With this assumption, the position of the fundamentalists and their how they fight from an ideological basiscan be clearly seen. Based on the theme above, this research concludes two important findings: First, many forms of what is called “fundamentalism” must be essentially seen as discourses on political theology, namely forms of nationalism or ethnicity,that are religiously articulated. Thus, fundamentalism can be understood as a political movement that has the ideology of Islam. Secondly, psychologically, it needs to be realized that both the theology and ideology of fundamentalists are rooted in fear; this begins with their insecurity that secularists will eliminate them. It is also necessary to realize that fundamentalist movements are not ancient or from the past, but they are basically modern and very innovative.[Penelitian ini menganalisis tentang bagaimana akar gerakan politik fundamentalisme Islam di era modern, dengan secara khusus menelusuri nalar teologi politik fundamentalisme Islam.Atas dasar tersebut, penelitian ini menggunakan pendekatan deskriptif-interpretatif, peneliti mencoba membedah secara kritis bagaimana pandangan Armstrong tentang ideologi politik fundamentalisme Islam.Karena, gerakan fundamentalisme Islam ini secara khusus harus dipahami sebagai gerakan politik, dengan asumsi ini maka, dapat secara jelas melihat bagaimana posisi kaum fundamentalis beserta basis ideologi yang diperjuangkannya.Dengan berpijak pada tema penelitian di atas, penelitian ini menyimpulkan dua hal penting sebagai berikut.Pertama, banyak bentuk dari apa yang disebut “fundamentalisme” harus dilihat secara esensial sebagai wacana teologi politik, yakni bentuk nasionalisme atau etnisitas yang diartikulasikan secara religius. Dengan demikian, fundamentalisme dapat dipahami sebagai gerakan politik yang berideologikan Islam.Kedua, secara psikologis, perlu disadari bahwa teologi dan ideologi kaum fundamentalis berakar dalam ketakutan, hal ini berawal dari pehamanan mereka bahwa kaum sekuler akan melenyapkan mereka. Perlu disadari juga bahwa gerakan fundamentalis bukanlah hal kuno dari masa lampau, mereka pada dasarnya modern serta sangat inovatif.]

2018 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-23
Author(s):  
Rohmatul Izad

The article analyzes the root of political movement of Islamic fundamentalism in the modern era with particular focus on tracing theological and political reason of this group in Karen Armstrong’s work. The author tries to critically discuss Armstrong’s views about political ideology held by the Islamic fundamentalism. Since the Islamic fundamentalism needs to be carefully understood as a political movement, it can help us to clearly identify their position along with their ideological basis they fight for. This study concludes that various types and forms of what so-called “fundamentalism” should be essentially observed as political-theological discourse; a sort of nationalism or ethnicity which is articulated in religiously manner. Therefore, fundamentalism can be understood as a political movement based on Islamic ideology. Furthermore, the theology and ideology of fundamentalists have been psychologically rooted from fear and anxiety. It has been a result of their assumption that the proponents of secularism would annihilate them. The fundamentalism is not an obsolete matter from the past; rather it is a modern and innovative movement.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 132-141
Author(s):  
Rohmatul Izad

The political theology of  Islamic fundamentalism is a  religious-political movement that wants the total application of Islamic teachings in the political system and at the same time rejects all modern political ideologies. Meanwhile, bayani epistemology is one of the epistemological concepts found by al-Jabiri in expressing  Arabic-Islamic reasoning based on holy texts,  as well as being the basis for criticism of the tendency of textual epistemology in the tradition of Islamic historical literature. Therefore, research on the logical construction of Islamic fundamentalism political theology from the perspective of Muhammad Abid al-Jabiri's bayani epistemology is very relevant. The method used in this research is the literature review method of al-Jabiri's thinking with critical analysis. The results of this study: first, the method of thinking of Islamic fundamentalism political theology is based on text (nash) or literalism-takfirism.  They make holy texts (al-Qur'an and Sunnah) as the only basis for knowledge to arrive at the truth. Their way of thinking revolves around the problem of the concept of text, namely the relationship between lafadz and meaning, Uṣūl and furu ', as well as the position of the text between substance and accident. Second, the bayani dimension really colors the political theology of Islamic fundamentalism, which is textualistic and rejects all other epistemologies such as irfani and burhani. Based on textual reasoning, the theological reasoning of Islamic fundamentalism rests on three elements; (1) The dichotomous-dialectical paradigm, which sees everything in two opposing poles,  such as black-and-white,  right-wrong, and good-bad.  (2) Islamic reasoning, which is politically-theocentric, namely a thought that understands that Islam and the state are integral and Islamic law must be applied in the divine political order. (3) Political jihad as Jihād fī Sabīlillāh, the jihad referred to here is war, both mental and physical. Jihad must be carried out to fight for an Islamic state as well as to fight against the enemies of Islam, both from within and from outside. This jihad is political in nature, but because it is based on religion, this jihad is considered as Jihād fī Sabīlillāh, which is a form of struggle in the path of Allah.


1994 ◽  
Vol 19 (04) ◽  
pp. 829-852 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lisa Frohmann ◽  
Elizabeth Mertz

As scholars and activists have addressed the problem of violence against women in the past 25 years, their efforts have increasingly attuned us to the multiple dimensions of the issue. Early activists hoped to change the structure of power relations in our society, as well as the political ideology that tolerated violence against women, through legislation, education, direct action, and direct services. This activism resulted in a plethora of changes to the legal codes and protocols relating to rape and battering. Today, social scientists and legal scholars are evaluating the effects of these reforms, questioning anew the ability of law by itself to redress societal inequalities. As they uncover the limitations of legal reforms enacted in the past two decades, scholars are turning—or returning—to ask about the social and cultural contexts within which laws are formulated, enforced, and interpreted.


Author(s):  
Marisa Kerbizi ◽  
Edlira Tonuzi Macaj

Ideology as a form of ideas and as a practical tool with determinative purposes in certain circumstances may become very influential and risky, too. Albanian literature, as one of the East Bloc countries where communism was installed as a political system after the Second World War, severely suffered the ideology consequences in art. The purpose of this research is to focus on some problems related to the limitations, restrictions, deviation, regression created by ideology in literature. Concrete case studies will complete the theoretical frame through the analytical, historical, aesthetical, and interpretative approach. The hypothesis sustains the idea that the political ideology of the Albanian dictatorial system has found many ways to damage the most representative authors and their artistic works of Albanian literature. The ideology claimed “the compulsory educational system” by interfering in the school textbooks, by excluding several authors from those textbooks, by denying their inclusion or the right for publication, or even by eliminating them physically.


2014 ◽  
Vol 48 (3) ◽  
pp. 839-871
Author(s):  
HAMLET ISAKHANLI

The historical thoughts and opinions of one nation regarding another are useful both for the purpose of analyzing global events and for understanding both nations. Until modern times, the Azerbaijani people did not have contact with the USA or widespread knowledge of American people, but throughout the past two centuries elite Azerbaijani thinkers and scholars have expressed interest in America from various viewpoints, including the political, scientific, and educational fields. The article reviews statements about the USA as they are documented in the publications by Azerbaijani historians, journalists, creative writers, educators, and politicians from the 1830s through to contemporary times. Using these documents, and poetry of Soviet times, the article analyzes Azerbaijani perspectives on America, which over time have wavered, both upwards and downwards, but often reflected the prevailing political ideology towards the USA, particularly during the Soviet period.


2016 ◽  
Vol 26 (1) ◽  
pp. 69-84 ◽  
Author(s):  
PEPIJN CORDUWENER

AbstractThis article studies the political ideology of the Italian political movement Fronte dell'Uomo Qualunque in the light of the problems of party democracy in Italy. The movement existed only for a few years in the aftermath of the Second World War, but the impact of its ideology on post-war Italy was large. The article argues that the party's ideology should be studied beyond the anti-fascist–fascist divide and that it provides a window onto the contestation of party politics in republican Italy. It contextualises the movement in the political transition from fascism to republic and highlights key elements of the Front's ideology. The article then proceeds to demonstrate how the movement distinguished itself from the parties of the Italian resistance and advocated a radical break with the way in which the relationship between the Italian state and citizens had been practiced through subsequent regimes. The way in which the movement aimed to highlight the alleged similarities between the fascist and republican political order, and its own claim to democratic legitimacy, constitute a distinct political tradition which resurfaced in the political crisis of the 1990s.


2021 ◽  
pp. 54-72
Author(s):  
S. D. Chrostowska

This chapter focuses on a figure of historical progression embedded in revolutionary thought in the modern era: the spiral. Most associated with Hegelianism, the spiral stands for the dialectic of history: an eventual future return to the origin. The spiral’s secularized telic schema remains, however, continuous with the theological model of change as the circle of perfection. This continuity is reflected in Romantic messianism and its heirs. My discussion of the spiral is anchored well before their time, in “The Oldest Systematic Program of German Idealism,” likely authored in 1796/1797 by Hegel himself. Unpublished until the twentieth century, the text calls for a new, rational mythology to do away with the modern state. In contrast to the later Hegel’s attempt to identify the spiral of history with the development of the state-form, the political theology of this radical early document identifies its utopian telos with the overcoming of the state.


Literator ◽  
1995 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 13-30
Author(s):  
A. Carstens

Ideological norm replacement and the Afrikaans desk dictionary of the ninetiesIn South Africa the past decade has been marked by extensive sociopolitical changes and by concomitant linguistic changes. These changes may be regarded as instances of norm replacement - a process during the course of which a norm or a set of norms is gradually replaced by another norm or set of norms. It is maintained that the standard synchronic dictionaries of a language not only have the obligation to reflect lexicalised norm replacements, but also to make projections with regard to future use. Two standard synchronic desk dictionaries of Afrikaans, namely the eighth edition of Verklarende Afrikaanse Woordeboek (1992) and the third edition of Verklarende Handwoordeboek van die Afrikaanse Taal (1994) are explored with special regard to their reflection of norm replacements within the domains of race and political ideology. It is shown that the compilers of these dictionaries consciously and sincerely aimed at removing all racial bias but that they failed to record the diversity of meaning within the political lexicon and the semantic shifts which have occurred within that lexicon during the past decade.


Author(s):  
Catherine Cherniavska

The article discusses the key aspects of the concept of "nation" and "nationalism" that have emerged in Ukrainian socio-political thought of the modern era. The ideas of Ukrainian statehood were quite actively developed in the environment of the Ukrainian intelligentsia at the end of the 19th - beginning of the 20th centuries and subsequently reflected in the programs of Ukrainian political parties in different directions. The political works of M. Mikhnovsky and S. Hrushevsky, as the founders of the Ukrainian political doctrine, are analyzed, their views on the establishment of statehood on the Ukrainian lands are compared and the main differences of their vision of the future destiny of the Ukrainian people are revealed. Along with the federalist vision of the future of the Ukrainian state, there is another direction - independent. In the early twentieth century. a new ideological doctrine - nationalism - is beginning to emerge. The experience of Ukrainian nationalism is in many respects unique, since this ideological doctrine will appear on the territory of our country quite late, in comparison with other European countries, actively combined with various forms of Marxism, and in the end, did not ensure the formation of a nation-state. The relevance of this topic is that the problem of the formation of state-building ideas in Ukrainian sociopolitical thought of the late XIX - early XX centuries. was important for outlining the national and political orientations of the Ukrainian people, which greatly influenced the course and results of the revolution and civil war of 1917 - 1921 in Ukraine. The purpose of the article is to analyze and contrast two alternative models of Ukrainian statehood that belonged to the leading political figures - M. Hrushevsky and M. Mikhnovsky and to determine the role and meaning of the ideas of "nation" and "nationalism" in their concepts.


2001 ◽  
Vol 95 (2) ◽  
pp. 470-471
Author(s):  
Laura R. Olson

By now most readers have a good deal of familiarity with the Christian Right, the political movement of conservative Protestants that began in the late 1970s and continues to thrive today. The movement has undergone significant changes over the past two decades. Interest groups have risen and fallen, and presidential candidacies (namely, that of Pat Robertson in 1988) have failed. Yet, the Christian Right is still seen by scholars, pundits, and electioneers alike as a political force with which to be reckoned.


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