scholarly journals Konstruksi Nalar Teologi Politik Fundamentalisme Islam dalam Perspektif Epistemologi Bayani Muhammad Abid Al-Jabiri

2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 132-141
Author(s):  
Rohmatul Izad
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
Political Theology ◽  
Islamic Law ◽  
The Political ◽  
Islamic State ◽  
Islamic Fundamentalism ◽  
Political Movement ◽  
Black And White ◽  
Political Ideologies ◽  
The Relationship

The political theology of  Islamic fundamentalism is a  religious-political movement that wants the total application of Islamic teachings in the political system and at the same time rejects all modern political ideologies. Meanwhile, bayani epistemology is one of the epistemological concepts found by al-Jabiri in expressing  Arabic-Islamic reasoning based on holy texts,  as well as being the basis for criticism of the tendency of textual epistemology in the tradition of Islamic historical literature. Therefore, research on the logical construction of Islamic fundamentalism political theology from the perspective of Muhammad Abid al-Jabiri's bayani epistemology is very relevant. The method used in this research is the literature review method of al-Jabiri's thinking with critical analysis. The results of this study: first, the method of thinking of Islamic fundamentalism political theology is based on text (nash) or literalism-takfirism.  They make holy texts (al-Qur'an and Sunnah) as the only basis for knowledge to arrive at the truth. Their way of thinking revolves around the problem of the concept of text, namely the relationship between lafadz and meaning, Uṣūl and furu ', as well as the position of the text between substance and accident. Second, the bayani dimension really colors the political theology of Islamic fundamentalism, which is textualistic and rejects all other epistemologies such as irfani and burhani. Based on textual reasoning, the theological reasoning of Islamic fundamentalism rests on three elements; (1) The dichotomous-dialectical paradigm, which sees everything in two opposing poles,  such as black-and-white,  right-wrong, and good-bad.  (2) Islamic reasoning, which is politically-theocentric, namely a thought that understands that Islam and the state are integral and Islamic law must be applied in the divine political order. (3) Political jihad as Jihād fī Sabīlillāh, the jihad referred to here is war, both mental and physical. Jihad must be carried out to fight for an Islamic state as well as to fight against the enemies of Islam, both from within and from outside. This jihad is political in nature, but because it is based on religion, this jihad is considered as Jihād fī Sabīlillāh, which is a form of struggle in the path of Allah.

scholarly journals DEMOCRATIC POLITICAL SYSTEM IN THE PERSPECTIVE OF MAQASID SHARIA : STUDY ANALYSIS OF YUSUF AL-QARADAWI’S THOUGHT

2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 55
Author(s):  
Athoilah Islamy ◽  
Sansan Ziaul Haq
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
Islamic Law ◽  
Primary Source ◽  
Political Life ◽  
Islamic State ◽  
Epistemological Foundation ◽  
Democratic System ◽  
Holistic Vision ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Democratic Political System

Abstract: one of the big issue that is still debatable about the relationship between Islam and politics is how legitimate the democratic political system is in the paradigm of Islamic law. This study will explain the alternative paradigm in evaluating the democratic system based on the paradigm of Islamic law from a prominent Muslim intellectual named Yusuf al-Qaradawi. This research is a qualitative research in the form of literature review. The primary source used is a variety of literature that explains Yusuf al-Qaradawi's thoughts about democracy in Islam. The method used is the method of interpreting the thoughts of the figures with the maqasid al-shari‘ah approach. There are two big conclusions of this research. First, Yusuf al-Qaradawi's view of democracy can be said to be grounded in its epistemological foundation in understanding the concept of an Islamic state. For al-Qaradawi, an Islamic state is a system of government that provides policy improvisation space in the benefit of social, economic and political life based on the objectives of Islamic law (maqasid shari'ah). Second, Yusuf al-Qaradawi's view, the democratic system can be compatible with Islam if the principles in the democratic system are in accordance with various values which are the spirit of the objectives of Islamic law (maqasid shari'ah), such as the value of justice, equality of rights, freedom, etc. so. To realize this, the democratic system must carry a holistic vision and mission, which includes worldly and ukhrawi benefits as well as individual and social benefits.       Keywords: Validity, democracy, Yusuf al-Qaradawi, maqasid shari’ah; 

scholarly journals Akar Gerakan Politik Fundamentalisme Islam di Era Modern (Studi terhadap Pemikiran Karen Armstrong)

2018 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 23
Author(s):  
Muhamad Subekhi
Keyword(s):  
Political Ideology ◽  
Political Theology ◽  
The Political ◽  
Islamic Fundamentalism ◽  
Political Movement ◽  
Islamic Theology ◽  
The Past ◽  
Interpretative Approach ◽  
Modern Era

This study analyzes the roots of the fundamentalist Islam political movement in the modern era by specifically tracing the logic in Islamic theology specific to Islamic fundamentalism. On this basis, this study uses a descriptive interpretative approach through which researchers try to critically dissect how Armstrong views the political ideology of Islamic fundamentalism. The Islamic fundamentalism movement, in particular, must be understood as a political movement. With this assumption, the position of the fundamentalists and their how they fight from an ideological basiscan be clearly seen. Based on the theme above, this research concludes two important findings: First, many forms of what is called “fundamentalism” must be essentially seen as discourses on political theology, namely forms of nationalism or ethnicity,that are religiously articulated. Thus, fundamentalism can be understood as a political movement that has the ideology of Islam. Secondly, psychologically, it needs to be realized that both the theology and ideology of fundamentalists are rooted in fear; this begins with their insecurity that secularists will eliminate them. It is also necessary to realize that fundamentalist movements are not ancient or from the past, but they are basically modern and very innovative.[Penelitian ini menganalisis tentang bagaimana akar gerakan politik fundamentalisme Islam di era modern, dengan secara khusus menelusuri nalar teologi politik fundamentalisme Islam.Atas dasar tersebut, penelitian ini menggunakan pendekatan deskriptif-interpretatif, peneliti mencoba membedah secara kritis bagaimana pandangan Armstrong tentang ideologi politik fundamentalisme Islam.Karena, gerakan fundamentalisme Islam ini secara khusus harus dipahami sebagai gerakan politik, dengan asumsi ini maka, dapat secara jelas melihat bagaimana posisi kaum fundamentalis beserta basis ideologi yang diperjuangkannya.Dengan berpijak pada tema penelitian di atas, penelitian ini menyimpulkan dua hal penting sebagai berikut.Pertama, banyak bentuk dari apa yang disebut “fundamentalisme” harus dilihat secara esensial sebagai wacana teologi politik, yakni bentuk nasionalisme atau etnisitas yang diartikulasikan secara religius. Dengan demikian, fundamentalisme dapat dipahami sebagai gerakan politik yang berideologikan Islam.Kedua, secara psikologis, perlu disadari bahwa teologi dan ideologi kaum fundamentalis berakar dalam ketakutan, hal ini berawal dari pehamanan mereka bahwa kaum sekuler akan melenyapkan mereka. Perlu disadari juga bahwa gerakan fundamentalis bukanlah hal kuno dari masa lampau, mereka pada dasarnya modern serta sangat inovatif.]

scholarly journals Populist radical right parties, welfare policy and population health in Europe

2019 ◽  
Vol 29 (Supplement_4) ◽  
Author(s):  
C Rinaldi ◽  
M P M Bekker
Keyword(s):  
Public Health ◽  
Welfare State ◽  
Population Health ◽  
State Policy ◽  
Political System ◽  
Radical Right ◽  
The Political ◽  
Policy Agenda ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Relationship

Abstract Background The political system is an important influencing factor for population health but is often neglected in the public health literature. This scoping review uses insights from political science to explore the possible public health consequences of the rise of populist radical right (PRR) parties in Europe, with welfare state policy as a proxy. The aim is to generate hypotheses about the relationship between the PRR, political systems and public health. Methods A literature search on PubMed, ScienceDirect and Google Scholar resulted in 110 original research articles addressing 1) the relationship between the political system and welfare state policy/population health outcomes or 2) the relationship between PRR parties and welfare state policy/population health outcomes in Europe. Results The influence of political parties on population health seems to be mediated by welfare state policies. Early symptoms point towards possible negative effects of the PRR on public health, by taking a welfare chauvinist position. Despite limited literature, there are preliminary indications that the effect of PRR parties on health and welfare policy depends on vote-seeking or office-seeking strategies and may be mediated by the political system in which they act. Compromises with coalition partners, electoral institutions and the type of healthcare system can either restrain or exacerbate the effects of the PRR policy agenda. EU laws and regulations can to some extent restrict the nativist policy agenda of PRR parties. Conclusions The relationship between the PRR and welfare state policy seems to be mediated by the political system, meaning that the public health consequences will differ by country. Considering the increased popularity of populist parties in Europe and the possibly harmful consequences for public health, there is a need for further research on the link between the PRR and public health.

Trade Unions

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard Whiting
Keyword(s):  
Trade Unions ◽  
Political System ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
British Politics ◽  
Modern Britain ◽  
The Individual ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Critical Moments

In assessing the relationship between trade unions and British politics, this chapter has two focuses. First, it examines the role of trade unions as significant intermediate associations within the political system. They have been significant as the means for the development of citizenship and involvement in society, as well as a restraint upon the power of the state. Their power has also raised questions about the relationship between the role of associations and the freedom of the individual. Second, the chapter considers critical moments when the trade unions challenged the authority of governments, especially in the periods 1918–26 and 1979–85. Both of these lines of inquiry underline the importance of conservatism in the achievement of stability in modern Britain.

scholarly journals Social Movements and Institutions

2017 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 14
Author(s):  
Maria Francisca Pinheiro Coelho
Keyword(s):  
Social Movements ◽  
Public Education ◽  
General Question ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Movement ◽  
Constitutional Order ◽  
Constituent Assembly ◽  
Free Public Education ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Movimientos Sociales

 Abstract This study approaches the relationship between social movements and institutions in Brazil concerning three different stages of the process of re-democratization: the political transition; the National Constituent Assembly; and the new Constitutional Order. The general question is: what is the interface, reciprocity or conflict, between social movements and institutions in this context of social change? The paper examines the different roles of social movements and institutions in each specific period: in the pre-democratization moment, the movement for direct elections for president, Diretas-Já, is analyzed; in the National Constituent Assembly, the movement in defense for free public education is examined;  in the new constitutional order, the pro-reform political movement is studied.  The work focuses on the scope of the studies on social movements and democracy.  It belongs to the field of the studies about the representativeness and legitimacy of the demands of social movements in the context of democracy and its challenges. Key words: social movement, institution, reciprocity, conflict, democracy. Social Movements and Institutions                               ResumenEl estudio aborda la relación entre los movimientos sociales e instituciones en Brasil en tres etapas diferentes del proceso de redemocratización en las últimas décadas: la transición política; la Asamblea Nacional Constituyente; y el nuevo orden constitucional. La pregunta general es: ¿cuál es la relación, la reciprocidad o el conflito, entre los movimientos sociales y las instituciones en este contexto de cambio social? El artículo examina los diferentes roles de los movimientos sociales e instituciones en cada período específico: en el momento de la transición política analiza el movimiento de las elecciones directas para presidente, las Diretas-Já; en la Asamblea Nacional Constituyente aborda el movimiento en defensa de la educación pública y gratuita; en el nuevo orden constitucional se estudia el movimiento pro-reforma política. El trabajo se centra en el ámbito de los estudios sobre los movimientos sociales y la democracia. Pertenece al campo de la investigación sobre la representatividad y la legitimidad de las demandas de los movimientos sociales en el contexto de la democracia y sus desafíos.Palabras clave: movimientos sociales, instituciones, reciprocidad, conflicto, democracia. Social Movements and Institutions                               ResumoO estudo aborda a relação entre movimentos sociais e instituições no Brasil em três diferentes fases do processo de democratização nas últimas décadas: a transição política; a Assembleia Nacional Constituinte; e a nova ordem Constitucional. A questão geral é a seguinte: qual a interface, reciprocidade ou conflito entre os movimentos sociais e instituições neste contexto de mudança social? O artigo examina os diferentes papéis dos movimentos sociais e instituições em cada período específico: no momento da transição política analisa o movimento de eleições diretas para presidente, o Diretas-Já; na Assembleia Nacional Constituinte aborda o movimento em defesa da educação pública e gratuita; na nova ordem constitucional focaliza o movimento pela reforma política. O trabalho centra-se no campo dos estudos sobre movimentos sociais e democracia. Pertence ao campo de pesquisa sobre a representatividade e legitimidade das demandas dos movimentos sociais no contexto da democracia e seus desafios.Palavras-chave: movimentos sociais, instituições, reciprocidade, conflito, democracia.

scholarly journals JOAQUÍN COSTA I REGENERACJA HISZPANII

2018 ◽  
pp. 359-373
Author(s):  
Dominika Gołaszewska-Rusinowska
Keyword(s):  
20Th Century ◽  
19Th Century ◽  
Political System ◽  
The Political ◽  
Early 20Th Century ◽  
Political Movement ◽  
Late 19Th Century

This case study focuses on the life and work of Joaquín Costa. He was a Spanish intellectual who in late 19th century and early 20th century started the intellectual and political movement called Regenerationism. This movement emerged in response against the political system of Spanish Restoration.  

scholarly journals DEBATE OF ISLAM AND COUNTRIES IN THE CONSTITUANTE BOARD, 1956-1959

2019 ◽  
Vol 2 ◽  
pp. 155-174
Author(s):  
Heri Herdiawanto ◽  
Valina Singka Subekti
Keyword(s):  
Research Method ◽  
Islamic Law ◽  
Secondary Data ◽  
The State ◽  
Islamic State ◽  
Basic Group ◽  
Constituent Assembly ◽  
Library Research ◽  
The One ◽  
The Relationship

This study examines Hamka's political thinking about Islam and the State in the Basic State debate that took place in the Constituent Assembly 1956-1959. Hamka belongs to the basic group of defenders of the Islamic state with Mohammad Natsir in the Masyumi faction, fighting for Islamic law before other factions namely the Nationalists, Communists, Socialists, Catholics-Protestants and members of the Constituent Assembly who are not fractured. Specifically examines the issue of why Islam is fought for as a state basis by Hamka. and how Hamka thought about the relationship between Islam and the state. The research method used is a type of library research with literature studies or documents consisting of primary and secondary data and reinforced by interviews. The theory used in this study is the theory of religious relations (Islam) and the state. This study found the first, according to Hamka, the Islamic struggle as the basis of the state was as a continuation of the historical ideals of the Indonesian national movement. The second was found that the constituent debate was the repetition of Islamic and nationalist ideological debates in the formulation of the Jakarta Charter. Third, this study also found Hamka's view that the One and Only God Almighty means Tauhid or the concept of the Essence of Allah SWT. The implication of this research theory is to strengthen Islamic thinking legally formally, that is thinking that requires Islam formally plays a major role in state life. The conclusion is that Indonesian society is a heterogeneous society in terms of religion. This means that constitutionally the state recognizes the diversity of religions embraced by the Indonesian people and guarantees the freedom of every individual to embrace religion and realize the teachings he believes in all aspects of life. Hamka in the Constituent Assembly stated that the struggle to establish a state based on Islam rather than a secular state for Islamic groups was a continuation of the ideals of historical will.

scholarly journals AHLUSSUNAH WAL JAMAAH'S POLITICAL PRACTICES IN POST-REFORM INDONESIA

Al-Risalah ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 273-296
Author(s):  
Ahmad Zubaidi
Keyword(s):  
Descriptive Analysis ◽  
Political Order ◽  
Political Activity ◽  
The Political ◽  
Islamic State ◽  
Political Ideologies ◽  
The Reformation ◽  
Islamic Politics ◽  
Analysis System

Islamic politics in Indonesia is very distinctive and has characteristics as a reflection of Indonesian Muslims who understand ahlussunnah wal jamaah so that the aspect of compromise and promoting togetherness, and attaching importance to stability is undeniable. However, that was before, later after the reformation, when the faucet of freedom was opened in Indonesia, many political ideologies entered Indonesia. They tried to change the established Indonesian political order, such as the emergence of the sharia formalization movement, the desire to establish an Islamic state, and the Islamic caliphate. The political activity of this model is increasingly visible in the era of President Jokowidodo as a symbol of resistance. This paper tries to elaborate and analyze with a descriptive analysis system on the phenomena in post-reform Indonesia. It is interesting because there are symptoms that the political doctrine of Aswaja will be defeated by the momentary political doctrines and the doctrines of khilafahism. However, during this upheaval, Aswaja's power and doctrine proved to endure despite the worrying erosion.    Politik Islam di Indonesia sangat khas dan berkarakteristik sebagai cerminan umat Islam Indonesia yang berpaham ahlussunnah wal jamaah, sehingga aspek kompromi dan mengedepankan kebersamaan dan mementingkan stabilitas angat kentara. Tapi itu dulu, belakangan pasca refeormasi, ketika kran kebebasan dibuka di Indonesia, banyal ideology politik masuk ke Indonesia dan  berusaha merubah tatanan politik indonnesia yang sudah mapan, seperti munculnya gerakan formalisasi syariah, keinginan mendirikan Negara Islam, dan khiafah islamiyah. Bahkan aktifitas politik model ini semakin kentara di ere Presiden Jokowidodo sebagai symbol  perlawanan. Tulisan ini mencoba mengelabirasi dan menganalisis dengan system analisis deskriptif terhadap fenomena yang  terjadi di Indonesia pasca reformasi. Hal ini menarik karena ada gejala doktrin politik aswaja akan terkalahkan oleh doktrin politik sesaat dan doktin-doktin khilafihisme. Namun, di tengah pergolakan ini, kekuatan aswaja dan doktrinnya terbukti dapat bertahan walau di tengah erosi yang mengkhawatirkan.

scholarly journals ISLAM AS A GROUND OF POLITICAL SYSTEM ACCORDING TO IMAM RUHOLLAH KHOMEINI

2019 ◽  
Vol 14 (4) ◽  
pp. 115-124
Author(s):  
T. G. Korneeva
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
The Political ◽  
Islamic State ◽  
Islamic Revolution ◽  
Philosophical System ◽  
Sharia Law ◽  
Ayatollah Khomeini ◽  
Government Governance ◽  
Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini

The article represents the views of Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini (1902–1989), the leader of the Islamic revolution in Iran, on Islam as the basis of the political system. Imam Khomeini believed that Islam should not be considered only as a set of prescriptions or as a kind of philosophical system. In his work “Vilayat-i fakih. Hokumat-i Islami ” (“Islamic Government: Governance of the Jurist”) Khomeini substantiates the need for the formation of a state based on Sharia law. The ideas of the Ayatollah were not completely new to Shii political doctrine. The olitical views of Ayatollah Khomeini formed under a great infl uence of a situation in Iran in the XX cent. The author analyzes the Khomeini’s views on politics and his concept of “vilayat-i fakih”. From Ayatollah Khomeini’s point of view, we can’t imagine Islam apart from politics, otherwise Islam will be incomplete. Personal self-improvement also depends on the fullness of religion, and therefore Muslims need an Islamic state to fully keep the Sharia law. The analysis of the views of Imam Khomeini is based on the original treatise in Persian.

scholarly journals Political Theology as Theodicy: The Holy Spirit’s Performance in the Economy of Redemption

2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 201-219
Author(s):  
Martin Grassi
Keyword(s):  
Holy Spirit ◽  
Political Theology ◽  
Kingdom Of God ◽  
Christian Theology ◽  
The Political ◽  
Inner Life ◽  
Political Dimension ◽  
Political Performance ◽  
The Holy Spirit ◽  
The Relationship

Although Political Theology examined mainly the political dimension of the relationship between God-Father and God-Son, it is paramount to consider the political performance of the Holy Spirit in the Economy of Redemption. The Holy Spirit has been characterized as the binding cause and the principle of relationality both referring to God’s inner life and to God’s relationship with His creatures. As the personalization of relationality, the Holy Spirit performs a unique task: to bring together what is apart by means of organisation. This power of the Spirit to turn a plurality into a unity is manifested in the Latin translation of oikonomía as disposition, that is, giving a special order to the multiple elements within a certain totality. Within this activity of the Spirit, Theodicy can be regarded as the way to depict God’s arrangement of the world and of history, bringing everything together towards the eschatological Kingdom of God. The paper aims at showing this fundamental activity of the Holy Spirit in Christian Theology, and intends to pose the question on how to think on a theology beyond theodicy, that is, how to think on a Trinitarian God beyond the categories of sovereignty and totalization.

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