scholarly journals PARTISIPASI PEREMPUAN PADA LEMBAGA LEGISLATIF TAHUN 2014-2019 DI PROVINSI JAWA TIMUR

2015 ◽  
Vol 44 (2) ◽  
pp. 190
Author(s):  
Ani Purwanti

Temporary special measures or positive discrimination on woman participation in legislatives, or known as affirmative action has been established since 2004 by Political Party and Legislative Acts packages. This research is using qualitative methods with socio-legal approach, which is combining the two aspects: regulation aspect and non-regulation aspect. It is necessary to combine those two aspect to put the text on the context; relation between law and its underpinned implementation on society. The result from this research show that on 2004, the number of East Java Province Legislative’s members were 100, consists of 85 person male and 15 person female. On the district level, Surabaya is the highest number of woman representation by 34% (17 from 50), Madiun 33,3% (10 from 30), Kediri 33,3% (10 from 30, and Probolinggo 33,3% (10 from 30). The lowest precentage were Bangkalan, Sampang, and Pasuruan whose woman’s precentation were below 3%. The main factor of the low women legislative’s representation number were the patriarch culture, the image of domestic women instead of their public-political actions effecting both of the women electability, male-dominated political party’s culture and their political participation itselfKebijakan khusus dikenal dengan prinsip “ Affirmative Action “ atau diskriminasi positif  telah diterapkan pada UU Partai Politik dan UU Pemilu Legislatif.  Affirmative Action bersifat sementara, sehingga apabila tujuan dan sasaran untuk mencapai kesetaraan telah tercapai atau kelompok-kelompok yang dilindungi telah terintegrasi, maka kebijakan tersebut tidak lagi diterapkan. Metode yang digunakan adalah dengan pendekatan sosio legal research, Penelitian sosio legal dipilih karena dalam penelitian ini akan dilihat teks dan konsteksnya, juga akan dilihat bagaimana implementasi dan relasi antara UU dengan masyarakat sekitar. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan di DPRD di Provinsi Jawa Timur terdapat 15 perempuan dari 100 anggota, laki laki 85, sehingga representasi perempuan sebesar 15%.  Kota Surabaya mempunyai representasi 34% (17 dari 50), Madiun 33,3%, Kediri 33,3%, Probolinggo 33,3%, Sampang 2,2%, Pasuruan  3,3% ( 1 dari 30) serta  Bangkalan 0%. Faktor utama rendahnya representasi adalah budaya patriarkhi yang berkelindan diantara stakeholder, yaitu Partai Politik, perempuan dan masyarakat pemilih

2021 ◽  
pp. 097152152110305
Author(s):  
Saroj Rani

This study explores the experiences of women as voters and political representatives at the local level. It includes women’s stories which capture the challenges they faced, their resistance and aspiration for change. The study also looks at men’s perception of women’s political participation. The study uses a feminist perspective with qualitative methods. Tools such as in-depth interview, focus group discussions and observations were used to gather data and information.


2021 ◽  
pp. 232102302110430
Author(s):  
Wahid Ahmad Dar

The article focuses on the subaltern system of micro appropriations or Jugaads used by young Kashmiris to survive within precarious situations inflicted due to armed conflict. More particularly, it argues that such Jugaads are invoked by the subaltern consciousness of Tehreeq-e-Azadi, which offers space for not just the negotiation with the state but also the creative improvisation of daily political actions. It is illustrated that young people’s political participation is entangled with the attempts to overcome the uncertainty around their lives, thereby offering them pragmatic solutions in advancing their interests. It is further elaborated that the existing polarization between separatism and mainstream is obscure at the experiential level, living within precarious situations has taught young people to silently craft possibilities of a good life without looking confrontational to either side. The article argues that localized forms of engagement are crucial for a comprehensive understanding of how modern states operate.


2019 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 301
Author(s):  
Thessa Anial John

<p>Abstract</p><p>This article aims to study the bank’s responsibility towards fraud against customer with a case study of Bank Mega Fraud against PT. Elnusadeposito funds. This research is a normative legal research using constitutional and case study approach. The result of this research show that Bank Mega liquefyPT. Elnusadeposito funds carelessly without PT.Elnusa consent is an act against the law. Bank Mega hasfailed to fulfil it’s responsibility towardsthe customer as regulated Article 37 B paragraph (1) UndangUndang Nomor 10 Tahun 1998 concerning banking service that stipulate every bank must guarantee the public funds deposited in the bank concerned The action of Bank Mega has caused losses both material and immaterial loss so that Bank Mega has to give responsibility and compensation for damage and consumer loss according to Article 19 paragraph (2) Undang-Undang Nomor 8 Tahun 1999 regarding consumer protection.</p><p>Keywords: Responsibility; prudential principles; banks; and customers.</p><p>Abstrak</p><p>Artikelini bertujuan mengkaji tanggung jawab perbankan terhadap pembobolan dana nasabah dengan</p><p>studi kasus terhadap Bank Mega dalam kasus pembobolan dana deposito PT.Elnusa, Penelitian ini merupakan penelitian hukum normatif dengan melakukan pendekatan undang-undang dan pendekatan kasus.Berdasarkan hasil dari penelitian dapat disimpulkan bahwa tindakan Bank Mega mencairkan dana deposito milik PT.Elnusa secara tidak hati-hati dan tanpa sepengetahuan PT. Elnusa merupakan tindakan yang melanggar hukum. Bank Mega telah tidak memenuhi kewajibannya terhadap nasabah sebagaimana diatur dalam Pasal 37 B ayat (1) Undang-Undang Nomor 10 Tahun 1998 tentang Perbankan yang menyebutkan bahwa setiap bank wajib menjamin dana masyarakat yang disimpan pada bank yang bersangkutan. Tindakan Bank Mega telah menimbulkan kerugian baik materiil maupun immateriil sehingga Bank Mega selaku pelaku usaha berdasarkan Pasal 19 ayat (2) Undang-Undang Nomor 8 Tahun 1999 tentang Perlindungan Konsumen bertanggung jawab untuk memberikan ganti rugi atas kerusakan, pencemaran, dan/atau kerugian konsumen akibat mengkonsumsi barang dan/atau jasa yang dihasilkan.</p><p>Kata Kunci: Tanggung jawab; prinsip kehati-hatian; bank; dan nasabah.</p>


Author(s):  
Yasir Nasution ◽  
Alyasa’ Abubakar ◽  
Kafrawi

The development of waqf assets in the form of adding the function of waqf is a new phenomenon in the problems of Islamic law jurisprudence even in positive law in Indonesia. In national law (positive), Indonesia has regulated this issue with the existence of laws and government regulations regarding waqf both movable and immovable waqf assets, even in its development every property in waqf must have an Deed and / or certificate. Whereas in Islamic jurisprudence, the development of waqf assets in the form of additional functions is one of the problems that can be said to be new, it needs legal conclusions and even has to be seen from various theoretical concepts such as maqashidu sharia. Therefore this research will examine the issue of developing waqf assets based on the Waqf Law and maqashid syari'ah. This research is an empirical legal research using a sociological legal approach, with data collection through documentation and interviews. The results of the research show that the development of waqf assets is permitted according to the law, but with the stipulated conditions, besides that the development of waqf assets is also permissible in Islamic jurisprudence as long as it is solely for reasons in accordance with the concept of maqasidu syari'ah and the point is to seek maslahat.  


2019 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 306
Author(s):  
Moh Ikmal

The purpose of this study is to find out how the affirmative action of political parties in encouraging women’s political participation in Sumenep Regency. This study uses descriptive qualitative research with data collection procedures in the form of interviews, observation and documentation. Data validation techniques used are source triangulation techniques in the form of person and paper. The results show that the efforts made by political parties of Sumenep Regency in building women’s political participation include, 1) parties taking an internal/personal approach; 2) programmatic, structured and continuous development of the political model of female cadres; 3) hold meetings at times that are possible to be attended by female cadres and times that are not too preoccupied with household needs.


Human Affairs ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 30 (1) ◽  
pp. 120-127 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yerkebulan Sairambay

AbstractThis article offers a critical examination of various interpretations of “political participation” and shows that there is a lack of consensus among scholars concerning the definition of this particular concept. The lack of consensus has led to various conflicting outcomes (even when applied to the same problem) in the research on political participation. The main purpose of this paper is to offer a new definition of political participation that effectively addresses the challenges facing modern civil societies and the emerging era of Web 3.0. The present study argues that “civic engagement” should be differentiated from political participation such that the former is not counted as part of the latter; civic engagement fosters political participation and refers entirely to social activities. Moreover, I argue that online political actions should be accepted as an integral part of political participation if they fulfil all of the criteria of the phenomenon as defined in this article.


1988 ◽  
Vol 18 (4) ◽  
pp. 467-483 ◽  
Author(s):  
Benny Temkin ◽  
Niza Yanay

This article focuses on a peculiar behavioural manifestation of political hatred. Hate-letters received by an Israeli political party are analysed in order to probe the dynamics involved in the communication of political hatred. The act of writing and mailing hostile letters is characterized as a particular form of political participation and interpreted as part of the social struggle over the boundaries and definition of the collective. The text of the letters is examined to uncover the main themes and mechanisms that are involved in the expression of political hatred.


Author(s):  
Malin Sveningsson

Western democracies have seen a decrease in political participation, with young people singled out as the most problematic group. But young people are also the most avid users of online media. It has therefore been argued that online media could be used to evoke their interest in politics, and thus contribute to the reinvigoration of democratic citizenship. Using a mixed qualitative methods approach, this article takes a closer look at 26 young Swedes’ experiences and understandings of social media, especially Twitter and Facebook, as used for political discussions. Compared to the average Swedish 17 to 18-year-olds, the participants are relatively interested in civic and political questions. By focusing on this segment, the article mirrors the experiences of an understudied group – young people who are interested in politics but not engaged. The participants were skeptical about social media as used in relation to politics, and expressed doubts about their suitability and usefulness. Four themes were identified, where three have to do with perceived risks: for conflict, misunderstandings and deceit. The participants also expressed the idea of online political activities as being less authentic than their offline equivalents. The idea that young people want and expect something that political organizations cannot live up to is one of the most dominant discourses that characterize the discussion on youth political participation today. However, while some properties of social media fit well into what young people have been found to prefer, for the participants, negative traits seem to outweigh the positive ones, thus discouraging them from participating.


2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Solly Aryza

The principle of Fixie Rechts or Legal Fiction still embraced in Indonesian legislation. It does notmatter that the policy is inconsistent with reality on the ground, which in fact creates more and more newproblems. For example the application of laws in very remote areas. How can a rural person who has no accessto information, if he does not comply with a rule that has been passed by the state through the state gazette, thenwithout considering the absorption aspect of his information, he remains entangled in the law. Because he afterthe law was enacted, he was supposed to know the law. This study uses normative legal research method byreviewing the literature related to legal fiction. Surely the principle that is deemed irrelevant to its real conditionlike this deserves no longer applied. For that required seriousness of government and society in participatingeliminate this law fiction principle. The results of this research show that Indonesia still enacts law governmentand culture as well, law maker or legislator and organization publish that.


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