scholarly journals Cursory Viewpoint on Transnistria as the Focus of the Russian Federation Policy

2021 ◽  
pp. 215-234
Author(s):  
Olha Telenko ◽  
Yuriy Prysiazhniuk

The article outlines cursory viewpoint on Transnistria as the focus of the Russian Federation policy. Russia pursues political interests in Transnistria connected with its geostrategic ambitions on the post-Soviet state. It is revealed that Moscow has a great impact on the life of Transnistria and cooperates with Tiraspol in political, military, social, cultural, and economic spheres. It is discussed that Russian military presence in this de facto state helps not only to control Transnistria but also Moldova concerning its geopolitical choice. In the article Russia’s activity concerning conflict resolution in Transnistria is shown. A special attention is paid to the Kozak Plan aiming at unification of Transnistria and Moldova, according to which too-extensive rights to Transnistria had to be given. Although this plan was not implemented, in fact now its idea is promoted gradually through convergence of Moldova and Transnistria. In the article it is stressed that russification of the region influences on the mood of the population concerning the future status of the region. Social and economic relations between Russia and Transnistria are researched. It is revealed that all three presidents of this de facto state had close ties with the Russian government and coordinated their politics with it. It is discussed that officially Russia supports territorial integrity of Moldova but at the same time it gives comprehensive support of Transnistria. Although it is not declared in the documents, now the Russian Federation favours status quo in Transnistria.

2018 ◽  
pp. 641-655
Author(s):  
Hryhorii Perepelytsia

The article analyses significance of the Agreement on Friendship, Cooperation and Partnership between Ukraine and the Russian Federation. The author outlines the statement of the President of Ukraine Petro Poroshenko about the termination of the Agreement on Friendship, Cooperation and Partnership between Ukraine and the Russian Federation, analyses the reasons for delaying the breakdown of diplomatic relations with the aggressor country, and studies the trade-economic and financial reasons for such a delay. Fear of large-scale armed invasion in Ukraine, the existence of certain arrangements with negative consequences for the ownership of Ukrainian oligarchs in Russia and so on are distinguished among the reasons for the delay of denouncing this treaty. Therefore, Ukraine legally preserved strategic partnership relations with Russia and continued to develop trade and economic relations. The domestic policy of both states was characterized within the context of Russian-Ukrainian war; the main content of the analysis of the Great Agreement and its 20-year implementation period was revealed. Fundamental changes in relations between the West and Russia were formulated. The analysis of the interpretation of the main points and theses of the Agreement were carried out. After analyzing the Great Agreement the author considers it obvious that Ukraine and Russia have different conceptual views on the role of the Treaty in their development as well as in development of their interstate bilateral relations. The article analyses Russia’s ignoring of the main points and norms of the Agreement on Friendship, Cooperation and Partnership and describes the reasons for radicalization of relations both in political and social dimensions that have been provoked by the Russian-Ukrainian war. The author concludes that Russia under cover of the Great Agreement, created all conditions necessary for committing its military aggression against Ukraine and gives examples of war crimes. Keywords: Great Agreement, Ukraine, Russian Federation, diplomatic relations, partnership, status.


2012 ◽  
Vol 165 (3) ◽  
pp. 121-138
Author(s):  
Michał LUBICZ-MISZEWSKI

The Pridnestrovian Moldavian Republic is a quasi-country not recognized by the international community. It constitutes de-jure a part of the Moldavian Republic. In 1992, as a result of a five month, victorious war with Moldavia, separatist Transnistria defended itself and in the following years strengthened its independence. After the end of the military part of the conflict, both countries maintained unfriendly relationships, and any political attempts to settle that conflict have so far been ineffective. It is mainly due to the Russian Federation supporting the separatist republic (the evidence of which is the presence of Russian military forces in Transnistria), the weakness of the Moldavian country and the interest of the Pridnestrovian Moldavian Republic to maintain the status quo.


2012 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Laura Resnick

In 1999, the Russian government all but razed Chechnya’s capital city of Groznyy. The Russian military devastated Chechnya, killing thousands of civilians and wiping out vital infrastructure, signifying the capstone in a campaign of destruction inflicted on Chechnya to crush the burgeoning separatist movement. Government-rebel attacks like this one occur when governments seek to end insurgent campaigns by using force to kill rebels and destroy their base of support.1 The unusual paradox in the Russian-Chechen conflict was that the Russian government’s ultimate intent was to stop the Chechen separatist movement and re-absorb Chechnya into the Russian Federation, and yet the damage it chose to inflict on the region was unimaginable in its scope and extent. Why would a government, in effect, completely destroy its own land and ruin what it considers its own infrastructure and part of its economy? Why would a government want to inflict massive pain, suffering and death upon enormous numbers of civilians that it considers to be legitimate members of its own nation? At face value, nothing appears more ludicrous than a government murdering its own civilians and scorching its own earth. This paper endeavors to prove, however, that such brutality was not paradoxical, but had underlying normative and strategic value for the Russian government.


2020 ◽  
Vol 26 (11) ◽  
pp. 2410-2426
Author(s):  
A.N. Savrukov ◽  
N.T. Savrukov

Subject. This article examines the set of economic relations and problems emerging within the spatial development of settlements and constituent entities of the Russian Federation. Objectives. The article aims to develop key indicators and methods for assessing transport accessibility, potential market capacity, taking into account socio-economic characteristics, geographical location and the level of connectivity of areas. Methods. For the study, we used the methods of economic, statistical analysis and synthesis, comparison, and the k-means method. Results. The article proposes a system of cost-benefit equations for economic agents, and criteria, and a methodology for assessing the Transport Accessibility Index. Based on the clustering of Russian subjects by k-means, the article describes four groups of regions by level of transport accessibility. Conclusions and Relevance. The practical use of the approach presented to assess the Transport Accessibility Index will help form the basis for management decisions aimed at improving efficiency in the planning of spatial development and assessing the socio-economic effects of the proposed measures. The developed Transport Accessibility Index should be used as part of the analysis and monitoring of the effectiveness of infrastructure expenditures affecting changes in the transport accessibility of settlements within individual regions (municipalities).


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Natalia Nikolaeva ◽  
Nikita Grinev ◽  
Pavel Barabanov ◽  
Elena Kulyuasova ◽  
Nikolay Kulyuasov

"The transition of Russia to sustainable economic growth is impossible without stimulating the use of the achievements of science and education, high technologies, promoting innovative activity as an essential premise for the development of social production and subjects of economic relations. For the state, the promotion of innovation is a priority in the economic policy sector, since it is the level of scientific and technological development that largely determines the long-term strategic advantages of the country, and the prospects for the development of the state largely dependent on the level of innovation development. For a long time, the Ministry of Economic Development of the Russian Federation has been implementing the Strategy for Innovative Development of the Russian Federation. It includes 20 key steps and is developed based on the provisions of the concept of long-term development of the Russian Federation. The main results should have been, firstly, an increase in spending on science and innovation, and secondly, an increase in the share of industrial enterprises that introduce innovations in production. It was assumed that their share will increase by 4-5 times by 2020, compared with 2010 year. Not everything has been achieved, and there is a lot to strive for. This study is devoted to the driver of scientific and technological progress - the chemical complex of Russia. The chemical complex plays a significant role in the implementation of the most important socio-economic programs of the country. The study is devoted to the consideration of the most important prospects and key alternatives for the development of the chemical industry related to different areas of innovation. Conclusions will be made on key technologies and products that can change the position of the chemical industry in the global market."


2021 ◽  
pp. 36
Author(s):  
Dmitry A. Аvdeev

The article examines the constitutional foundations of the legitimacy of public authorities, concludes that their activities correspond to the political interests of Russian citizens. The problem of the legitimacy of the activities of public authorities in the Russian Federation and the process of their legitimation, after the constitutional amendments, acquired particular relevance. Participation in the management of state affairs is determined by the peculiarities of the modern system of organization of power, as well as the ability of citizens to influence the functioning of the activities of its bodies, which makes it possible to determine the degree of legitimacy of public administration. The author, analyzing the existing structure of public authorities through the prism of the legitimacy of their activities, identifies some problems of an organizational nature and suggests ways of solving them in this regard.


2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Brandon C. Halaychik

The Russian Federations drive to reestablish itself as a global power has severe security implications for the United States, its Arctic neighbors, and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization as a whole. The former Commander of United States Naval Forces Europe Admiral Mark Ferguson noted that the re-militarization of Russian security policy in the Arctic is one of the most significant developments in the twenty-first century adding that Russia is creating an “Arc of steel from the Arctic to the Mediterranean” (Herbst 2016, 166). Although the Russian Federation postulates its expansion into the Arctic is for purely economic means, the reality of the military hardware being placed in the region by the Russians tells otherwise. Implementation of military hardware such as anti-air defenses is contrary to the stipulated purposes of the Russian Government in the region. Therefore is the Russian Federation building strategic military bases in the Arctic to challenge the United States hegemony due to the mistreatment against the Russians by the United States and NATO after the collapse of the Soviet Union.


Author(s):  
S. Popova ◽  
E. Titova

The transformation of the socio-economic sphere based on the widespread use of information and communication technologies (ICTs) has allowed us to form fairly stable trends in the development of the digital economy in many countries of the world. The innovative system of economic relations in developed countries has shown its effectiveness. Digital technologies have an impact on the decision-making about what to produce and what to buy, digital markets have a short formation period, they have fewer entry barriers, they are more dynamic. The digital format of modern life leads to the development of new economic relations and to significant changes in the process of learning, professional activity, leisure activities, allows you to think differently, plan and make decisions. In Russia, in 2017, the program "Digital Economy of the Russian Federation" was approved, according to the strategic goals of which, the use of digital technologies should lead to an increase in the competitiveness and well-being of the country's population. The program provides for improving the level of management based on planning (strategic, tactical, operational), coordination, and monitoring the practical implementation of the goals set. Funding for the program is provided at the level of 100 billion rubles per year, the total budget for 2018-2024 is 1634.9 billion rubles. The article considers the target program "Digital Economy of the Russian Federation", determines the possibility of its practical implementation in the context of digital globalization and identifies the factors that hinder its development: the imperfection of the regulatory framework; low volume of digital technologies used in enterprises, insufficient level for their financing; insufficient level of digital competencies, technologies and readiness for technological breakthrough; "digital inequality" among the population of the country; insufficient targeted state funding of innovative digital companies and high cybercrime.


Author(s):  
O. Kondratenko

The essence of the internal geopolitics of the Russian Federation (RF) and its influence on the foreign policy of Moscow is analyzed in the article. It was found that on the background of Russian nationalism the activation of separatist sentiments in the Russian national autonomies had occurred, particularly in the North Caucasus (Chechnia, Dahestan).Eventually, it caused two Chechen wars, as well as to the formation of dissatisfaction with the Center’s actions in Tatarstan, South and East Siberia and others. However, after internal politics and internal economy shocks of the 1990-th Russia has outlined a course to restore the status of a great state. An important factor for the Russian government is the support of its foreign policy by the population. It is traced that the level of electoral support of the Russian president entirely depends on the success of the Russian Federation on the international arena. Kremlin actively cultivates and uses imperial mood of society in order to justify the return of its “unjustly deprived” great power status. Therefore, governmental expansionist geostrategy obtains active support among theintelligentsia and broad social strata.


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