scholarly journals The Latest Battle: Depictions of the Calormen in The Chronicles of Narnia

2017 ◽  
Vol 29 (1) ◽  
pp. 84-102
Author(s):  
Andrew Howe
Keyword(s):  
Young Adult ◽  
Jesus Christ ◽  
Political Power ◽  
Middle Eastern ◽  
Literary Tradition ◽  
Power Structure ◽  
Capital City ◽  
Arranged Marriages ◽  
Facial Hair ◽  
Chronicles Of Narnia

Abstract Two books in C.S. Lewis’s young adult fantasy series Chronicles of Narnia - The Horse and His Boy and The Last Battle - paint an uncomfortable portrait of the Calormen, the traditional foil for the Narnians. Throughout the text, the Calormen are clearly marked both culturally and racially as Middle Eastern, perhaps specifically as Turkish or Arab in their socio-political power structure with harems, arranged marriages, and facial hair designating status. Even Tashbaan, the capital city of Calormen, reads somewhat like a description of Istanbul. Throughout these two books, the Calormen are portrayed as a sinister and conquest-driven culture threatening the freedom enjoyed by Narnia. This textual indictment is fairly consistent. In demonizing this group, Lewis took part in a literary tradition extending back hundreds of years, a tradition that has enjoyed renewed resonance with increased fears over the growth of Islam. From Sir John Mandeville to post-9/11 concerns over terrorism, western depictions of Islam have often revolved around fear and distrust. The Last Battle is particularly problematic in its allegorical depictions of Islam, as Lewis seems to suggest that salvation is only reserved for those who follow the lion Aslan, clearly marked throughout the series as a stand-in for Jesus Christ.

scholarly journals Iran and Saudi Arabia’s Strategic Rivalry and the Middle Eastern Security: An Assessment

2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 17-19
Author(s):  
Azeem Gul ◽  
Rizwana Karim Abbasi ◽  
Syed Arslan Haider
Keyword(s):  
Saudi Arabia ◽  
Middle East ◽  
Political Power ◽  
Middle Eastern ◽  
Positive Development ◽  
Nuclear Program ◽  
Syrian Crisis ◽  
External Power ◽  
Regional Influence

The strategic rivalry between Saudi Arabia and Iran has been worsened for the last two decades. This historical sectarian divisions led by Saudi Arabia and Iran has now morphed into a struggle for regional influence between Shia political power led by Iran and Sunni political power led by Saudi Arabia. Against this backdrop, the study examines the contours of the Middle Eastern security in the context of Saudi and Iran strategic rivalry in various conflicts such as crisis in Syria, Yemen, and situation in Iraq including proxy wars and Iran’s nuclear program. The study finds out that the security situation of the Middle East would have been much better if Saudi and Iran would have cooperated on various issues such as Yemen and Syrian crisis. In addition, the internal vulnerabilities of the Middle East with Iran and Saudi strategic antagonism provided opportunities to the external power intervention that further has intensified the conflicts in the region. The study concludes that the solution of the Middle Eastern problem would lie in building cooperation between Iran and Saudi Arabia relations and in this respect the current rapprochement between the two states is a positive development for Middle Eastern security.

scholarly journals Power to the People: An Inverse Role in Nigeria’s Politics and Governance

2016 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 83-102 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kingsley Onyemekara Onyemekara Emecheta
Keyword(s):  
Political Power ◽  
Power Structure ◽  
Potential Effect ◽  
Democratic Citizenship ◽  
Government Officials ◽  
Economic Interests ◽  
The People ◽  
Ruling Elites ◽  
Political Effect ◽  
The Stability

Abstract An attempt to contextualize the political power structure in Nigeria exposes an orientation and practice that directly negates the democratic norm of power belonging to the people. Today, power belongs entirely to government officials who use it to advance the course of their political and economic interests. The people are thus, subjected to the point and path of complete alienation from the demands and benefits of their democratic citizenship. Given the weakness of the rule of law and institutions of check in Nigeria, established statutes and legislation have not been able to stand tall to relevance in dislodging the hegemony of the ruling elites as is evident in our case study-Imo State. This has since 1999, propped up a telling political effect, which also spirals to the arena of development, and quakes the stability of the state, and the nation at large. The paper examines the current domiciliation of political power, its potential effect on the people, and on service delivery in the country. A case is made for recovery of power for the people and reasserting the law as a balancing force and as means of providing check against breach of constitutionally prescribed political power structure and configuration.

A Snake in the Sugar

2020 ◽  
pp. 146-164
Keyword(s):  
Jesus Christ ◽  
American West ◽  
Political Power ◽  
Latter Day Saints ◽  
Beet Sugar ◽  
Political Dominance ◽  
Mormon Church ◽  
The Church

This chapter talks about the remarkable partnership and political alliance between the Mormon Church and the Sugar Trust that was intended for the domination of the beet sugar business of America. It mentions Judson Welliver, an essayist for Hampton's Magazine, who wrote the most startling revelation of the power of Mormonism and of the business intrigue and political inside workings of the Sugar Trust. The chapter looks into Welliver's article that outlines how the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints was a dangerous political power. It describes the Mormon church's influence that forced senators from Utah, Idaho, Wyoming, Oregon, and Nevada to uphold the sugar tariff. It describes the suspicion on how the Latter-day Saints had used beet sugar to gain complete economic and political dominance over the American West through the mechanism of the Utah-Idaho Sugar Company.

State-Church Relations in Poland: An Examination of Power Configuration in a Noncompetitive Political System

1969 ◽  
Vol 21 (4) ◽  
pp. 575-601 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stanislaw Staron
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
Political Power ◽  
Power Structure ◽  
General View ◽  
The West ◽  
Long Run ◽  
The Subject ◽  
Power Configuration ◽  
Inherent Tendency

Until recently it has been taken more or less for granted by many students of the subject that totalitarian polities will not in the long run tolerate any form of pluralism in their power structure. Lucid and convincing arguments have been constructed to support this contention, in studies of the several historical manifestations of totalitarianism. Implicit in these speculations was the more general view that it is in the very nature of power, and especially political power, that it will not gladly suffer any rivals. In the West the very virtues of democracy have been defended precisely on the grounds that democracy tends through its procedural commitments to diffuse power, to counteract, as it were, the inherent tendency of power toward infinite selfaggrandizement.

The Chinese Army after the Cultural Revolution: the Effects of Intervention

1973 ◽  
Vol 55 ◽  
pp. 450-477 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ellis Joffe
Keyword(s):  
Cultural Revolution ◽  
Policy Making ◽  
Political Power ◽  
Political Process ◽  
Power Structure ◽  
The Political ◽  
Short Term ◽  
People's Liberation Army ◽  
People’S Liberation Army ◽  
The Cultural Revolution

Whatever may have been the objectives of the principal participants in the Cultural Revolution, there can be little doubt that they did not include what turned out to be, at least in the short term, the most striking and significant outcome of the upheaval: the rise of the People's Liberation Army (PLA) to a pivotal position in China's power structure. Compelled to intervene in the political process when the disruptive effects of the struggle reached dangerous dimensions, the army gradually ascended to the commanding heights of political power in the provinces, and acquired a substantial voice in the policy-making councils of Peking. When the Ninth Congress of the Party finally met in April 1969 to write the epilogue to the Cultural Revolution, it was the PLA rather than the Party that held most of the key positions of power in China.

The Functional Elites of Quito

1971 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 112-120
Author(s):  
Emily M. Nett
Keyword(s):  
Social Class ◽  
Power Structure ◽  
Capital City ◽  
Real Power ◽  
Military Junta ◽  
The Real ◽  
The Military

When the educated natives of the capital city of Ecuador are questioned about social class and the power structure of their country, the answer comes unhesitatingly and with little variation. Everyone, and of course the educated are as yet few in number, knows who is who and what is what. The sampler of random opinion concludes that the real power is no longer in Quito but in the port of Guayaquil. This has been documented by Díaz, who claims that the traditional aristocracy today owns only about 50 percent of sierran acreage, most of it impoverished and ruined, and that this class is declining steadily with the growth of various coastal “bourgeoisie” classes which stem from the commercial and banking interests of the coast. Politically, too, according to Lang, the coastal influence is undermining that of the sierra, the deposition of the military junta in 1966 being attributable to pressures from the Guayaquil commercial oligarchy.

scholarly journals Validating the Suinn-Lew Asian Self-Identity Acculturation Scale Among Middle Eastern Migrants: Linear Versus Orthogonal Approaches

2020 ◽  
Vol 21 (6) ◽  
Author(s):  
Neda Hashemi ◽  
Maryam Marzban ◽  
Bernadette Sebar ◽  
Neil Harris
Keyword(s):  
Young Adult ◽  
Discriminant Validity ◽  
First Generation ◽  
Middle Eastern ◽  
Kappa Coefficient ◽  
Model Specification ◽  
Self Identity ◽  
Validity Indices ◽  
Two Factors ◽  
High Level

: The current study aimed at validating the 26-item Suinn-Lew Asian Self-Identity Acculturation scale (SL-ASIA) using confirmatory factor analysis (CFA) in first-generation young adult Middle Eastern (ME) migrants, and also exploring the agreement between the outcomes of linear and orthogonal approaches of acculturation using SL-ASIA. The CFA and convergent and discriminant validity measures were employed to validate the original linear SL-ASIA and the subsequently designed orthogonal SL-ASIA for first-generation young adult ME migrants in Australia (n = 382). Cohen’s Kappa coefficient was used to measure the agreement between classifications obtained by the linear and orthogonal methods of measuring acculturation. The CFAs of the initial six-factor 21-item linear scale and the two-factor five-item orthogonal scale indicated poor fits. However, after model specification and validation, satisfactory fit and validity indices were achieved for the modified scales. The validated linear SL-ASIA comprised five factors and 15 items, and the validated orthogonal SL-ASIA comprised two factors and four items. The Kappa coefficient showed a high level of consistency between the linear and orthogonal models of acculturation, confirming that the use of either scale can lead to similar research outcomes. The study also supports the use of the validated linear and/or orthogonal scales to measure acculturation. This finding responds to the existing gap in the literature that until now, no acculturation scale is validated for ME migrants, and also no study is conducted to validate the orthogonal SL-ASIA.

scholarly journals Sosialisasi dan Penyuluhan Undang-Undang Nomor 21 Tahun 2007 Tentang Pemberantasan Tindak Pidana Perdagangan Orang di Desa Lebak Kepuh Kecamatan Lebak Wangi sebagai Kantung Tenaga Kerja Wanita di Kabupaten Serang

2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 87-97
Author(s):  
Riswanda ◽  
Rahmawati Allyreza
Keyword(s):  
Sex Workers ◽  
Middle Eastern ◽  
Population Data ◽  
Capital City ◽  
Foreign Workers ◽  
Female Worker ◽  
Trafficking In Persons ◽  
Poor Families ◽  
Legal Sanctions ◽  
Work Abroad

Becoming a female worker abroad, especially in Middle Eastern countries, Malaysia is the dream and hope for most women and families in Lebak Kepuh Village. Family poverty factor is the main reason for families to send their children to work abroad. Working as farm laborers and getting caught up in loan sharks forced these families to send their children to become TKW. Private Indonesian Employment Service Delivery Companies (PPTKIS) have sprung up as a connector between workers and overseas job providers. However, unfortunately, many of these PPTKIS are not registered with the Ministry of Manpower and some are looking to the villages to seduce women to be sent to work abroad or in the capital city with the lure of a large salary. Even though this is often not true. Instead of getting a job, they are even traded in the trafficking of people into commercial sex workers and / or into illegal labor. This activity aims to socialize Law Number 21 of 2017 concerning the Eradication of the Crime of Trafficking in Persons. The causes, methods, methods and consequences of victims of trafficking in persons are presented and described in this activity. This includes serious legal sanctions that will be imposed on parties who deliberately commit the criminal act of trafficking in persons. Village officials ranging from neighborhood units, neighborhood units to village officials are at the forefront of preventing criminal acts of trafficking in persons because the form of trafficking begins with manipulating population data for poor families who want to send their children to work in public families, reporting companies that supply illegal foreign workers to the authorities. is an effort to stop the criminal act of trafficking in persons (women) in Desa Lebak Kepuh , Kecamatan Lebak , Serang Regency.

Indonesian Islam during the Reign of Colonialism (1600-1942): An Historical Account of Challenges and Responses towards the Dutch Policies (Islam Indonesia di Zaman Penjajahan (1600-1942): Cabaran dan Tindak Balas terhadap Dasar Belanda)

2019 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 237-257
Author(s):  
Nadzrah Ahmad
Keyword(s):  
Political Power ◽  
Middle Eastern ◽  
Historical Account ◽  
Colonial Power ◽  
National Policies ◽  
The Public ◽  
History Of ◽  
Colonial Policies ◽  
Historical Accounts ◽  
Dutch Colonial

Indonesian Islam was marked by a long history of struggles between the three centuries Colonialization power and the responses of the Muslims to emerge above the socio-political challenges towards reclaiming their identity. During the three hundred years of its ruling, the Dutch attempted its best to gain not only political power over the economic produce of the country but also to win supports and admiration by the public. Along these attempts the Colonial power implemented strategies by means of culture and the adatlaw and other forms of national policies in order to tone down the newly found voice of Reformism reverberated by the Middle Eastern prominent mufassir Muhammad Abduh. Muhammadiyah and Nahdatul Ulama became the platforms between Traditionalists and Modernists Islam of Indonesia. This paper attempts to assess the extent of Colonial involvement in giving the Indonesian Islam its identity together with responses exhibited by the Muslims towards the these challenges. Historical accounts of Islam in Indonesia shall be examined from year 1600 until 1942. Keywords: Indonesian Islam, Dutch Colonial Policies, Muslim Responses, Modernist Movement, Traditionalists.  Abstrak Islam Indonesia melalui sejarah perjuangan yang panjang selama tiga abad penjajahan Belanda ke atas Indonesia serta respon umat Islam ke atas cabaran sosio-politik bagi mengekalkan identiti mereka. Sepanjang tiga ratus tahun pemerintahannya, Belanda berusaha sebaik mungkin untuk mendapatkan bukan sahaja kuasa politik ke atas hasil ekonomi negara tetapi juga untuk memenangi sokongan masyarakat Indonesia. Sepanjang usaha ini, kuasa Kolonial Belanda melaksanakan strategi kebudayaan dan undang-undang adat sebagai suatu bentuk dasar kebangsaan bagi menundukkan pengaruh Reformisme yang diketengahkan oleh pentafsir Timur Tengah terkemuka Muhammad Abduh. Muhammadiyah dan Nahdatul Ulama menjadi platform perbalahan antara Tradisionalis dan Modernis Islam di Indonesia. Artikel ini cuba menilai sejauh mana penglibatan Belanda dalam mencorak identiti Islam di Indonesia juga meninjau respon yang dipamerkan oleh umat Islam terhadap cabaran-cabaran ini. Data-data sejarah Islam di Indonesia akan diperiksa dari tahun 1600 hingga 1942. Kata Kunci: Islam Indonesia, Polisi/Dasar Penjajahan Belanda, Tindak balas Muslim, Modernis/Reformis, Tradisionalis.  

The Knowledge Urbanity in Qatar

2018 ◽  
pp. 60-79 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ali A. Alraouf
Keyword(s):  
City Planning ◽  
Middle Eastern ◽  
Capital City ◽  
Guiding Principle ◽  
Knowledge Based ◽  
Creative City ◽  
Alternative Approach ◽  
Holistic Understanding ◽  
The City

This chapter illustrates the alternative approach to knowledge-based urban development that Qatar adopted to cope with the challenges of the post-carbon paradigm and to construct a new identity as a knowledge-based model of development within the Middle East. Using the capital city, Doha, as the main case study, the chapter provides analysis of the city evolution from the discovery of oil until the contemporary stage where knowledge economy is envisioned as its future and the guiding principle for its urban and architectural projects. The analysis covers the city planning level and how future masterplan is geared towards KBUD and then some influential projects will be assessed. The chapter concludes with a holistic understanding of the case of Doha as a knowledge and creative city that succeeded to craft a new urban brand within the Gulf and Middle Eastern cities.

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