scholarly journals Cardboard Coffins and Vaults of Gold: Debt, Obligation and Scandal in Ecuador’s Response to Covid-19

2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 143-158
Author(s):  
Jeremy Rayner

Abstract As the first cases of COVID-19 appeared in Guayaquil—foreshadowing one of world’s most devastating outbreaks—the Ecuadorian government paid $324 billion to bondholders, while forgoing much needed investment in pandemic preparation. This was the opening round for a series of struggles over the costs of containment and treatment of the virus; conflicts over debts foreign and domestic, taxes and corruption, wages and working conditions, and the control of public space. While the pandemic provided a context for the renegotiation of public and social obligations, however, the outcome was that the burden of pandemic containment was placed on those least able to sustain it— especially precariously employed, informal sector workers—deepening existing inequalities at the cost of lives and livelihoods. This paper addresses how this process was manifested through controversies in public culture, including traditional and social media, finding that the predominance of middle class and elite interests and preoccupations— together with the prevalence of scandal as a genre—sidelined the defense of popular lives and livelihoods and reinforcing systemic inequalities.

2020 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Alih Aji Nugroho

The world is entering a new phase of the digital era, including Indonesia. The unification of the real world and cyberspace is a sign, where the conditions of both can influence each other (Hyung Jun, 2018). The patterns of behavior and public relations in the virtual universe gave rise to new social interactions called the Digital Society. One part of Global Megatrends has also influenced public policy in Indonesia in recent years. Critical mass previously carried out conventionally is now a virtual movement. War of hashtags, petitions, and digital community comments are new tools and strategies for influencing policy. This paper attempts to analyze the extent of digital society's influence on public policy in Indonesia. As well as what public policy models are needed. Methodology used in this analysis is qualitative descriptive. Data collection through literature studies by critical mass digital recognition in Indonesia and trying to find a relationship between political participation through social media and democracy. By processing the pro and contra views regarding the selection of social media as a level of participation, this paper finds that there are overlapping interests that have the potential to distort the articulation of freedom of opinion and participation. - which is characteristic of a democratic state. The result is the rapid development of digital society which greatly influences the public policy process. Digital society imagines being able to participate formally in influencing policy in Indonesia. The democracy that developed in the digital society is cyberdemocracy. Public space in the digital world must be guaranteed security and its impact on the policies that will be determined. The recommendation given to the government is that a cyber data analyst is needed to oversee the issues that are developing in the digital world. Regulations related to the security of digital public spaces must be maximized. The government maximizes cooperation with related stakeholders.Keywords: Digital Society; Democracy; Public policy; Political Participation


2014 ◽  
Vol 43 (1) ◽  
pp. 17-24
Author(s):  
Matt Sheedy

The Occupy movement was an unprecedented social formation that spread to approximate 82 countries around the globe in the fall of 2011 via social media through the use of myths, symbols and rituals that were performed in public space and quickly drew widespread mainstream attention. In this paper I argue that the movement offers a unique instance of how discourse functions in the construction of society and I show how the shared discourses of Occupy were taken-up and shaped in relation to the political opportunity structures and interests of those involved based on my own fieldwork at Occupy Winnipeg. I also argue that the Occupy movement provides an example of how we might substantively attempt to classify “religion” by looking at how it embodied certain metaphysical claims while contrasting it with the beliefs and practices of more conventionally defined “religious” communities.


2016 ◽  
Vol 39 (4) ◽  
pp. 868-895 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stephanie M. Curenton ◽  
Jocelyn Elise Crowley ◽  
Dawne M. Mouzon

During qualitative phone interviews, middle-class, mostly married African American mothers ( N = 25) describe their child-rearing responsibilities, practices, and values. They explain (a) why they decided to stay home or take work leave to attend to child rearing, (b) how they divided child-rearing responsibilities with their husbands/romantic partners, (c) whether they faced unique parenting challenges raising African American children, and (d) whether they identified as feminists. Responses revealed the decision to stay home or take work leave comprised values about gender roles, concerns about the cost and/or quality of child care, and the availability of family-friendly workplace policies. Most couples shared child-rearing responsibilities, although mothers admit to doing more. Their unique parenting challenge was protecting their children from racism, stereotyping, and discrimination. Only one third of the mothers identified as being feminists. These results have implications for furthering our knowledge about African American coparenting from a positive, strength-based perspective.


2021 ◽  
Vol ahead-of-print (ahead-of-print) ◽  
Author(s):  
Heather J. Parker ◽  
Stephen Flowerday

Purpose Social media has created a new level of interconnected communication. However, the use of online platforms brings about various ways in which a user’s personal data can be put at risk. This study aims to investigate what drives the disclosure of personal information online and whether an increase in awareness of the value of personal information motivates users to safeguard their information. Design/methodology/approach Fourteen university students participated in a mixed-methods experiment, where responses to Likert-type scale items were combined with responses to interview questions to provide insight into the cost–benefit analysis users conduct when disclosing information online. Findings Overall, the findings indicate that users are able to disregard their concerns due to a resigned and apathetic attitude towards privacy. Furthermore, subjective norms enhanced by fear of missing out (FOMO) further allows users to overlook potential risks to their information in order to avoid social isolation and sanction. Alternatively, an increased awareness of the personal value of information and having experienced a previous privacy violation encourage the protection of information and limited disclosure. Originality/value This study provides insight into privacy and information disclosure on social media in South Africa. To the knowledge of the researchers, this is the first study to include a combination of the theory of planned behaviour and the privacy calculus model, together with the antecedent factors of personal valuation of information, trust in the social media provider, FOMO.


Author(s):  
Abdul Mutalib Embong ◽  
Azelin Mohamed Noor ◽  
Hezlina Mohd Hashim ◽  
Syahrul Alim Baharuddin ◽  
Norasyikin Binti Abdul Malik

This study reveals the currents social welfare which includes the uprising practice of Islamic charity, namely Infaq (voluntary alms giving), an instrument to help the unfortunate people (asnaf). It used qualitative approach involving semi-structured interviews focusing on six themes with six respondents. They engage in Infaq during the MCO or Movement Control Order. The results showed that there was a rise of contemporary fame of Infaq among Malaysian middle-class Muslims and charity body or organisation that specialise in sedekah/Infaq programmes . These parties make use of the platform of social media to record their activities and raise funds activity to help the needy who demand immediate and non-bureaucratic donations especially in a form of material help like food and daily necessities. This indeed has changed the course of how sedekah or Infaq used to be done back then. More Muslims who perform these Islamic charities display their efficiency and transparency in their donations as in Islam, sedekah is as a spiritual ‘investment’ to the donors despite the hard time people face during pandemic. 


2018 ◽  
Vol 33 (3) ◽  
pp. 444-472 ◽  
Author(s):  
Perry Maxfield Waldman Sherouse

In recent years, cars have steadily colonized the sidewalks in downtown Tbilisi. By driving and parking on sidewalks, vehicles have reshaped public space and placed pedestrian life at risk. A variety of social actors coordinate sidewalk affairs in the city, including the local government, a private company called CT Park, and a fleet of self-appointed st’aianshik’ebi (parking attendants) who direct drivers into parking spots for spare change. Pedestrian activists have challenged the automotive conquest of footpaths in innovative ways, including art installations, social media protests, and the fashioning of ad hoc physical barriers. By safeguarding sidewalks against cars, activists assert ideals for public space that are predicated on sharp boundaries between sidewalk and street, pedestrian and machine, citizen and commodity. Politicians and activists alike connect the sharpness of such boundaries to an imagined Europe. Georgia’s parking culture thus reflects not only local configurations of power among the many interests clamoring for the space of the sidewalk, but also global hierarchies of value that form meaningful distinctions and aspirational horizons in debates over urban public space. Against the dismal frictions of an expanding car system, social actors mobilize the idioms of freedom and shame to reinterpret and repartition the public/private distinction.


2018 ◽  
Vol 16 (4) ◽  
pp. 517-532
Author(s):  
Bex Lewis

Social media has become a part of everyday life, including the faith lives of many. It is a space that assumes an observing gaze. Engaging with Foucauldian notions of surveillance, self-regulation, and normalisation, this paper considers what it is about social and digital culture that shapes expectations of what users can or want to do in online spaces. Drawing upon a wide range of surveillance research, it reflects upon what “surveillance” looks like within social media, especially when users understand themselves to be observed in the space. Recognising moral panics around technological development, the paper considers the development of social norms and questions how self-regulation by users presents itself within a global population. Focusing upon the spiritual formation of Christian users (disciples) in an online environment as a case study of a community of practice, the paper draws particularly upon the author’s experiences online since 1997 and material from The Big Bible Project (CODEC 2010–2015). The research demonstrates how the lived experience of the individual establishes the interconnectedness of the online and offline environments. The surveillant affordances and context collapse are liberating for some users but restricting for others in both their faith formation and the subsequent imperative to mission.


2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jonathan Mellon

This chapter discusses the use of large quantities of incidentallycollected data (ICD) to make inferences about politics. This type of datais sometimes referred to as “big data” but I avoid this term because of itsconflicting definitions (Monroe, 2012; Ward & Barker, 2013). ICD is datathat was created or collected primarily for a purpose other than analysis.Within this broad definition, this chapter focuses particularly on datagenerated through user interactions with websites. While ICD has beenaround for at least half a century, the Internet greatly expanded theavailability and reduced the cost of ICD. Examples of ICD include data onInternet searches, social media data, and user data from civic platforms.This chapter briefly explains some sources and uses of ICD and thendiscusses some of the potential issues of analysis and interpretation thatarise when using ICD, including the different approaches to inference thatresearchers can use.


2021 ◽  
Vol 6 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eni Maryani ◽  
Preciosa Alnashava Janitra ◽  
Reksa Anggia Ratmita

The fast-growing social media in Indonesia has opened up opportunities for spreading feminist ideas to a wider and more diverse audience. Various social media accounts especially Instagram that focus on gender advocacy and feminism such as @indonesiafeminis, @lawanpatriarki, and @feminismanis have developed in Indonesia. However, the development of the social media platform also presents groups that oppose feminists. One of the accounts of women’s groups that oppose feminists is @indonesiatanpafeminis.id (@indonesiawithoutfeminist.id). The research objectives are namely to analyze the diversity of issues and reveal the discourse contestation that developed in the @indonesiatanpafeminis.id, and dynamic relationships on the online and offline spaces between groups of feminists and anti-feminists or the other interest. This research employed the digital ethnography method that utilized observation, interview, and literature study as data collection techniques. This study found that the online conversations at @indonesiatanpafeminis.id revealed misconceptions on feminism from a group of women with a religious identity. Furthermore, the conversation also tends to strengthen patriarchal values with religious arguments that are gender-biased. However, the @indonesiatanpafeminis.id serves as a public space for open debates and education on feminist issues. The anti-feminist group behind the @indonesiatanpafeminis.id are women who identify themselves in a certain Muslim circle that has political, cultural, and religious agendas. One of the agendas is to influence the public to reject the Sexual Violence Eradication Bill. This study also noted the Muslim supporters of anti-feminism in Indonesia are less popular compared to progressive religious-based Muslim women organizations such as Aisyiyah (Muhammadiyah), Muslimat NU (Nahdlatul Ulama), and Rahima (Center for Education and Information on Islam and Women’s Rights). The study also evokes discussion on how the feminist and anti-feminist discourses can be utilized to criticize and develop the women’s movement or feminism in a multicultural context.


2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 56-68
Author(s):  
Simon Simon ◽  
Tan Lie Lie ◽  
Heppy Wenny Komaling

Indonesian netizens are often labeled as social media users at will without heeding politeness when interacting. This assessment is further confirmed by a survey conducted by Microsoft,  that Medsos users are labeled as netizens with the worst politeness level for Southeast Asia scale. The predicate is certainly aimed at allreligius netizens without emphasizing certain beliefs. The low politeness indicates the lack of social media ethics applied by the people of the country. Ironically, Indonesia is known as areligius and civilized country, it seems invisible if you look at the behavior of netizens who are. The method used in this paper is descriptive qualitative method with a literature study approach. The description of this topic religion certainly teaches how politeness and politeness in the public space are displayed especially in social media, because politeness is an indikator we are called ethical or not. The principle of Christian ethics teaches that when using social media what a believer must do is not to do body shaming with other online media users, or not to comment racistically. Because God does not differentiate between fellow humans by loving one and not loving another just because humans are different physically, race or nation. The next principle of Christian ethics in social media is not to argue theologically and not to spit negative things. The goal is to avoid quarrels, let alone hate speech. Netizen Indonesia kerap di cap sebagai pengguna media sosial sesuka hati tanpa mengindahkan kesantunan ketika berinteraksi. Penilaian ini makin dipertegas melalui survei yang dilakukan oleh Microsoft,  bahwa pengguna Medsos dilabeli sebagai netizen dengan tingkat kesopanan paling buruk untuk skala Asia Tenggara. Predikat itu tentu ditujukan kepada semua netizen yang beragama tanpa menitik-beratkan keyakinan tertentu. Rendahnya kesopanan menandakan kurangnya etika bermedia sosial diterapkan oleh masyarakat tanah air. Ironisnya, Indonesia yang di kenal sebagai negara yang religius dan beradab, hal itu seakan tidak terlihat bila melihat perilaku netizen yang bar-bar. Metode yang digunakan dalam tulisan ini adalah metode kualitatif deskriftif dengan pendekatan studi kepustakaan. Uraian dari topik ini agama tentu mengajarkan bagaimana kesopanan dan kesantunan di ruang publik ditampilkan terlebih dalam bermedia sosial, karena kesopanan itu merupakan indikator kita di sebut beretika atau tidak. Prinsip etika Kristiani mengajarkan bahwa ketika bermedia sosial  yang  harus dilakukan orang Kristen  adalah tidak melakukanbody shaming kesesama pengguna media online, maupun tidak berkomentar secara rasis. Karena Allah tidak membeda-bedakan sesama manusia dengan mengasihi yang satu dan tidak mengasihi yang lain hanya karena manusia itu berbeda secara fisik, ras atau bangsa. Prinsip etika Kristiani berikutnya dalam bermedia sosial adalah tidak berdebat secara teologis dan tidak mengumbar hal negatif. Tujuannya  agar tidak terjadi pertengkaran apalagi ujaran kebencian.


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