scholarly journals Catalan brinkmanship tool for political rivalry in Spain

2017 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 375-395
Author(s):  
Weronika Górnicka

Abstract The aim of this article is to analyze the independence activities undertaken by the Catalan government in the context of the brinkmanship strategy and the assumptions of game theory based on “the game of chicken”. It allows us to put the issue of Catalan’s claims in a different context than to refer to political, historical or cultural grounds for self-determination. By adopting this approach to the problem and putting it in the field of political competition at central and national level, it is possible to expose the elements that treat the whole problem as a political game, rather than a real endeavor to reach a consensus between the parties and finally solve the problem. In addition, from the point of view of party interests, it is beneficial that the problem of Catalan independence, absorbing much public attention, continues to function in the political sphere and in the consciousness of the people.

1998 ◽  
Vol 26 (3) ◽  
pp. 453-472 ◽  
Author(s):  
Agyn Khairullovich Kazymzhanov ◽  
Keith Owen Tribble

In their rapidity and chaotic character, the changes Kazakstan is experiencing create a kind of kaleidoscope. The very act of creating a state was both dramatic and unexpected. In the course of five years, referendums and changes of constitution and parliament have occurred. This calls for an attempt to etch the general line of development: whence, how and whither is the society of Kazakstan going. Such a broad approach proceeds necessarily from the premise that the modern world consists of a dense network of interrelations, into which all societies and peoples on the planet are drawn. This article examines the problem of the modern geopolitical self-determination of Kazakstan from the point of view of the Steppe and of its contribution to political traditions of the world.


Author(s):  
D.A. Davydov

The idea of the post-capitalist society has long been associated with the “grassroots” struggle of the exploited classes for the society that is free from all forms of domination and exploitation. D.Davydov does not consider this approach scientific and proposes one should change the lens of research and focus on what is happening at the level of the elites, where the new world is slowly maturing and new relationships are often intertwined with the old ones. The article is devoted to the justification of the argument, according to which the development of the post-capitalist social relations has been going on for a relatively long time — as the rise of people who “possess a personality” (personaliat). The author demonstrates that the unfol ding processes can be explained by the deep economic changes — the transformation of creativity into the predominant source of consumer values. The author elabo rates the idea that the essence of the knowledge economy is not capitalist or even is anti-capitalist, but at the same time he suggests that it is the nature of social relations around creative activity that should be consi dered rather than creative activity per se. From his point of view, despite the fact that the consequences of such activities complicate the functioning of the capitalist economy, the demise of the old economy does not mean that somewhere beyond the horizon we will have a cloudless non-antagonistic future. It is much more relevant to view post-capitalist transformation as the gradual rise to dominance of those who possess power over public attention. The author starts the article with a brief “history of personality” and after that demonstrates how the depersonalized world was gradually “colo nized” by creative public figures. According to his conclusion, today we witness a large-scale transformation of the Political, which is associated with the trend that representatives of personaliat assumed roles of key actors in the political process. Power is transferred from those with money to those with persona lity. However, this shift in itself hardly guarantees the establishment of an egalitarian social order that has overcome all forms of alienation and inequality. Moreover, at the moment such prospect looks doubtful.


2004 ◽  
Vol 29 (2) ◽  
pp. 1-8 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bimal Jalan

This paper discusses the dynamics of economics, politics, and governance and its implications for the Indian economy in general and the governance issues of educational institutions in particular. Independent India was founded on a democratic framework and an operational governance structure. The vision was to attain the specific economic and social goals that the country had set for itself. What is puzzling is the fact that despite the ideal combination of economics, politics, and civil service, the expected results were not achieved. What might have happened is the development of a substantial gap between the economically sound and the politically feasible policies, on the one hand, and the disharmony between the different levels of the administrative machinery, on the other. The author agrees with the renowned economist, Hanson, who found an answer to the problem not in the theory of planning or the people making the plans but with the unrealistic assumptions about the likely responses of the people. For instance, it was assumed that the people elected to power, the citizens of the country, and the labour and management of the public enterprises would all work selflessly to achieve the economic objectives of the country. In reality, however, regional and sectional interests dominated the political and economic decisions making the Indian economy self-centric, narrow, and wasteful. The channelization of economic benefits to the special interest groups led to the lop-sided distribution of wealth. To add to this was the political corruption which was accepted as an unavoidable feature of the electoral process. Another blow came from the public sector enterprises which, instead of generating public savings, led to the accumulation of internal public debt and lower investment. What is unfortunate is that all this continued for a long time despite the realization that they were going against the basic assumptions of the post-Independence policy framework. Taking the issue of fee determination in the case of IIMs, the author feels that it is again a complex interplay of the three elements - economics, politics, and governance. The economic issue from the public policy point of view is: why the larger subsidy from public funds and for whose benefit? While it is a popular political move to grant subsidies, it is a matter of conscious political choice as to which target group should get the benefit. Towards making India's vision a reality, the author suggests the adoption of pragmatic and flexible approaches with the contemporary realities in mind. The steps would include: simplifying administrative procedures managing fiscal deficit through fiscal policy changes ensuring accountability through legal reforms avoiding bureaucratic interference eliminating administrative discretion While a lot needs to be done in all these areas, the author is confident that with the economic potential of the country and the innate ability of the people of this country, it would definitely be possible to realize the full potential within the next two decades.


2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 61-73
Author(s):  
Noman Kresna Martha

National democracy will be strong if it is supported by democracy at the grassroots level. Nearly the last two decades, counting since the 1998 reforms, public attention has focused on democratic systems and journeys at the national level. While in the lowest society, democracy has not been a prominent agenda either in regulation or in the real political process. Village Communities, for example, have so far only been 'involved' in regional and national 'democratic' events, such as in elections, direct Pemilukada, or become objects of regulation in regional autonomy. At the level of jargon, democracy is often interpreted as a government of and for the people, meaning government by the people and carried out by representatives who are freely elected by the people. Democratization, because it is an effort to achieve democratic life through democratic means. Democracy is not achieved through a non-democratic process and the application of democratic methods does not always struggle in a democratic situation.


2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 58
Author(s):  
Ponirin Ponirin ◽  
Agum Patria Silaban

It aims to test anything that influences the Political thinking Tan Malaka about the Consept of the Indonesian State, setting aside the concept of the state in the view of Tan Malaka and putting forth the effort the makes in fulfilling the concept of a joyful state. This type of research is a study literature. As for data collection techniques in this study is a library study, it means the author did reseach by collecting books, documents, articles, scripts, and the like. With the approach: textual studies, context studies, and historical studies. The data analysis of the data is heuristic, criticism, interpretation, and presentation. From the results of the research, it is known that Tan Malaka was a hero of the independence movement, he was born in the village of Pandan Gadang, not far from the Suliki Sprout, Limopilih Koto Regency, East Sumatera. He began to think of the fate of this people who were colonized after education in the Netherlands. The influence of circumstances and understanding is like the circumstances of his people, then education that this finally influenced by Marxism and the revolutiomary movement of Europe (the French, British, and Russian Revolutions) have set the mind to a left (Communist). Long before the other leading figures of independence, Tan Malaka had designed the consep of the Indonesian state before the independent of Indonesia. He saw and compared the concept of repulic and kingdom. For him the kingdom is irrelevant to the welfare of the people. Tan Malaka would prefer the concept of a union or a republic with a democratic system. For him the people must be in charge.then it may be concluded tha the concept of the Indonesian state tha Tan Malakan was the DemocraticKey word : Tan Malaka's Point of view, Indonesian State


2021 ◽  
pp. 46-55
Author(s):  
Alexandr Ternovschi ◽  
◽  
◽  

The article contains a study in the field of interaction and dependence of constitutional guarantees of human rights in the Republic of Moldova on power, economy and capital. An example is given of the set of meanings and forms of this democracy, the measure, level and values of the citizens who make up a collective or make up the crowd, from the point of view of organizing the means by leading the people over the state. The causal relationship is analyzed between the interaction and the direct dependence of the implementation of the constitutional norms on the political will, the level of the economy, including the interest and purpose of the capital dictatorship. This prism studies the real issue of democracy in the Western sample regarding the completeness of citizens' expectations. The article provides an assessment of democratic values in their presence, ie form. The most frequent and richest opinions, ideas and doctrines are evaluated, for the general ideological purpose, in order to effectively achieve objectives, including the subsequent onset of certain consequences. A comparative analysis is made regarding the opinions of other authoritarian specialists in this field.


2015 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-32
Author(s):  
Anis Hidayati

Abstract: This article discusses about a Islamic political jurisprudence’s point of view againts campaign for president and vice president election. It is carried out based on Law No. 42 year 2008 concerning with the election of president and vice president. The general election campaign is a sovereign right of the people to produce democratic government based on Pancasila and the Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia (UUD) 1945. The implementation of the general election campaign has a positive effect that is beneficial for the candidates and for the publics to know the candidates they would choose to be a leader. In Islamic political jurisprudence’s perspective, the implementation of the general election campaign for president and vice president can realize the political rights of individuals associated with the right to nominate and the right to occupy a certain post. All of the people and citizens are entitled to gain a guarantee of their human rights (Hurriyah al-shakhsiyyah) before the law and government.Keywords: Campaign, general election, president, Islamic political jurisprudence.


1970 ◽  
Vol 8 (4) ◽  
pp. 585-603 ◽  
Author(s):  
U. O. Umozurike

Namibia, formerly South-West Africa, continues from the point of view ofinternational law to represent the symbol of violated right. Even though the United Nations has been seized of the matter for many years and the International Court of Justice has been given the opportunity to adjudicate, the problem appears to be as intractable as ever. South Africa has established her administrative and military presence and means to defend what she considers to be her right with all the forces at her command. The country does not lack friends whose direct or indirect support it counts upon. Yet the fundamental issue remains: Are the people of Namibia entitled to self-determination and how may they exercise that right? It will be necessary to refer back to the history of Namibia from the time of the mandate.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Rodrigo A. Gómez S.

<p>This project is an ambitious attempt to review the tie between Chile and Rapanui according to law. According to Gonschor the people of Easter Island are entitled to obtain political decolonisation according to the United Nations' parameters and international treaties of which Chile is signatory. This means that the thesis supports the proposition that Easter Island is "the" Chilean colony in Oceania, a belief shared by an important, though so far unquantifiable number of the island's citizens who have internationally raised the question no fewer than three times, in the recent past...</p>


The article examines issues of political manipulation from the linguistic point of view. Diversified review of studies of the phenomenon of political manipulation was accomplished and the role of means of language in the process of manipulation was described. It is postulated that manipulation inherently belongs to the people`s speech and in particular to the speech of the politicians. In this respect, it is deemed to be wrong to study manipulation in an exclusively negative light. The focus of the research is the effect of the manipulatory impact and this interest is predetermined by the emphasis on the linguo-pragmatic aspects of communication. Political discourse is characterized by manipulative features in order to conduct a propaganda conflict, which is achieved using various linguistic units and methods, such as nominalization, euphemisms, precedent phenomena. The political discourse of the media has a huge impact on the formation of public opinion, which is done with the help of the above tools of speech manipulation. The article examines the features of manipulative technologies of political discourse. The severity of the problem of the manipulative potential of speech is determined by direct communication between the institutionalized addressee and the mass addressee, which takes place in the political discourse of the media. A brief analysis of the types of manipulation depending on the nature of information transformations is given, which determines the presence of specific features of the language of politics, as well as the use of special tools that contribute to the implementation of the main functions of political discourse. According to the author, the media are forming a new political reality in which manipulation technologies become a key instrument of political behaviour of the masses.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document