scholarly journals Solving Religious-Based Social Conflict between the Sunni and the Shia in Sampang, Madura: When Can the State Stop Being Responsible?

2018 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Social Conflict ◽  
The State

Social and political activity of Voronezh Governorate peasants in 1917: cooperation with the authorities and geography of reduced conflicts

2020 ◽  
pp. 181-188
Author(s):  
Mikhail E. Razinkov
Keyword(s):  
Comparative Analysis ◽  
Textual Analysis ◽  
Social Conflict ◽  
Land Ownership ◽  
The State ◽  
Political Activity ◽  
Conflict Behavior ◽  
Private Land ◽  
The Social ◽  
Low Activity

The research is based on data on acts of cooperation of various peasant population categories with the revolutionary authorities. The relevance of the problem lies in the minimal study of these issues, since historiography studied mainly the conflict behavior of peasants. We point to the presence of a large number of forms of interaction between peasants both with the February and October authorities in 1917. Using the methods of textual analysis we givethe analysis of the wel-coming telegrams to the State Duma. An intermediate conclusion was made that the desire of the peasants to interact with the authorities did not lead directly to a decrease in the social conflict de-gree. Attention is drawn to the presence in 1905–1907 and 1917 so-called “zones of low activity” of peasant revolts. Asking the question about the reasons for the existence of such zones, we turn to the comparative analysis of the situation at the county-volost level (using the example of Ostrogozhsky and Bogucharsky districts), concluding that the traditional explanation of the existence of such zones with a small share of private land ownership does not fully explain the situation. An explanation of the emerging situation is offered by a more complex of socio-economic, socio-political and socio-everyday factors, as well as source problems.

Social Conflict in Argentina (1989–2017): Democracy in Dispute

2020 ◽  
Vol 47 (4) ◽  
pp. 96-111
Author(s):  
Leandro Gamallo
Keyword(s):  
Social Movements ◽  
Collective Action ◽  
Social Movement ◽  
Social Conflict ◽  
The State ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Social Conflicts ◽  
The Right ◽  
Movement Participation ◽  
Multiple Actors

An analysis of the evolution of social conflicts in Argentina between 1989 and 2017 in terms of three aspects of collective action—the actors in contention, their main demands, and their chosen forms of struggle—reveals important changes since the country’s return to democracy. Collective action has extended to multiple actors, channeled weightier demands, and expanded its forms. With the emergence of progovernment and conservative social movements, it has become apparent that not all movement participation in the state implies weakness, subordination, or co-optation and that social movement action does not necessarily mean democratization or expansion of rights. The right-wing government of 2015 opened up a new field of confrontation in which old divisions and alliances are being reconfigured. Un análisis de la evolución de los conflictos sociales en Argentina entre 1989 y 2017 realizado a partir de tres grandes dimensiones de la acción colectiva (los actores contenciosos, las demandas principales que enuncian y las formas de lucha que emplean) revela cambios importantes. La acción colectiva se ha extendido a más actores, ha canalizado demandas más amplias y se ha expresado de maneras más heterogéneas. Con el surgimiento de movimientos sociales oficialistas y opositores de índole conservador, se ha hecho evidente que la participación de las organizaciones sociales en el estado no siempre significa debilidad, subordinación o cooptación por parte del estado y que la movilización social no necesariamente implica procesos de democratización o expansión de derechos. La llegada de una alianza de derecha en 2015 abrió un nuevo campo de confrontaciones que redefinió antiguas alianzas y divisiones.

scholarly journals Studi Normatif Legalitas Peran Tokoh Masyarakat Dalam Undang-Undang No. 7 Tahun 2012 Tentang Penanganan Konflik Sosial

2017 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Rayno Dwi Adityo
Keyword(s):  
Key Words ◽  
Social Conflict ◽  
The State ◽  
Traditional Leaders ◽  
The Law

Currently indonesia often torn asunder with different kinds of events which is quite disturbing national stability start of the disintegration by separatist group and other’s. It is something that can be easy occur given indonesia is a archipelago state, so in controlled requires strength tight from own society or the state of directly. With the diversity of social conflict tribal often law ineffective so that we consider that the need for the role of an instrument informal as community figures, traditional leaders and religion figures that more actively in acktivity has purpose for making stability the condition from social conflict. This research, writter trying to give some description that is the participation from community, traditional leaders and religion figures most important for resolving the conflict and as the law in Indonesian that participation this fegures had tranformation from unformal side to formal side as the UU No. 7 Tahun 2012 Tentang Penanganan Konflik Sosial mandating.   Key Words: Law, to respon, community figures, formal and unformal.        

scholarly journals On the Ways of Writing the History of the State

2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (28) ◽  
pp. 71-95
Author(s):  
Eli B. Lichtenstein
Keyword(s):  
Social Conflict ◽  
The State ◽  
Dark Side ◽  
Liberal State ◽  
Collège De France ◽  
Dominant State ◽  
History Of ◽  
Raison D’État ◽  
The Difference ◽  
The Relationship

Foucault’s governmentality lectures at the Collège de France analyze the history of the state through the lens of governmental reason. However, these lectures largely omit consideration of the relationship between discipline and the state, prioritizing instead raison d’État and liberalism as dominant state technologies. To remedy this omission, I turn to Foucault’s early studies of discipline and argue that they provide materials for the reconstruction of a genealogy of the “disciplinary state.” In reconstructing this genealogy, I demonstrate that the disciplinary state marks the “dark side” of the liberal state, a dark side which is, more-over, largely obscured in the governmentality lectures. I further construe the difference be-tween this early genealogy of the state and the later governmental studies in methodologi-cal terms. At stake in this difference is the historiographic status of capitalism and social conflict. Foucault’s governmentality lectures employ what I term an “idealist disavowal,” thereby treating capitalism and social conflict as irrelevant to the history of the state. The early disciplinary studies, on the other hand, enact a “materialist avowal,” by which these objects are avowed as central to the explanation of how and why the state develops. Final-ly, I argue that Foucault’s governmental genealogy of the liberal state is explanatorily and analytically incomplete, while the genealogy of the disciplinary state contributes to its completion on both fronts.

On the Legitimacy of Confucian Constitutionalism

2012 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joseph Chan
Keyword(s):  
Political Institutions ◽  
Policy Making ◽  
Religious Beliefs ◽  
Social Conflict ◽  
The State ◽  
Comprehensive Doctrine ◽  
Pluralistic Society ◽  
Confucian Values ◽  
Ways Of Life

This chapter asserts the idea that Confucianism can positively shape political institutions, legislation, and policy making. However, it argues that promoting Confucianism as a comprehensive doctrine in a modern pluralistic society will damage civility. Free and equal citizens live according to various ways of life and hold different religious beliefs, and promoting Confucian values over and instead of other beliefs can lead only to social conflict. Instead, the chapter favors a moderate form of perfectionism that allows the state to promote specific values in a piecemeal way. Within this context, it may be possible to promote particular Confucian values in a way that they can be accepted or understood by citizens without adopting Confucianism as a comprehensive doctrine.

scholarly journals Dynamics of confrontation between popular mobilization and state In Jordan: An analytical social conflict approach

2015 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 135
Author(s):  
Mohammad Horani
Keyword(s):  
Social Conflict ◽  
Theoretical Perspective ◽  
The State ◽  
The Social ◽  
Study Results ◽  
Dialectical Relationship ◽  
Organization Leadership ◽  
Substantial Change ◽  
Main Factor ◽  
Popular Mobilization

This study aimed at analyzing the dynamics of confrontation between popular mobilization and state in Jordan from the sociological perspective of an analytical social conflict. It also concentrated on the factors that led to the emergence of popular mobilization and its Legitimacy and the variables that guided the peaceful confrontation between mobilization and state. The study results showed that economic deprivation was the main factor behid the emergence of the popular mobilization, and the political demands were emerged when the state didn’t achieve the economical Reforms , and the mobilization derives its legitimacy From its objective economical demands, the Arab revolutions and the concessions of the state which mean recognition of the Mobilization and its demands. Then the results showed that the mobilization was Fall back because of its lack of organization leadership and Ideology and the cleavages in the structure of national identity , but the conscious of the mobilization and its legitimacy may intense it again. Besides, The results indicated that the confrontation was included dialectical Relationship between the peaceful oriention of the state toward the mobilizations and the peaceful orientation of the mobilization from the other hand. This dialectical relationship constituted moral treaty between the two partisans stand out as safty valve against violence and polarization. After that, the study showed some Factors which, sometimes , provoked violence such as : the partisans, usage of violent power, and arrestation of mobilization’s activists . Then, the study showed that the confrontation was realistic , but didn’t occur substantial change in the social structure, However, it escalated the level of freedom, Raised the power of the street, and obtained the state and the society more flexibility and democracy. With regard to the theoretical approach, This study showed that the perspectives of analytical conflict are of complementarily nature, and it could be syenthesized to produce a new theoretical perspective. 

scholarly journals Legitimacy of Death: National Appropriation of the Fallen

2019 ◽  
Vol 47 (4) ◽  
pp. 647-659
Author(s):  
Gordana Uzelac
Keyword(s):  
World War I ◽  
Social Conflict ◽  
The State ◽  
The Body ◽  
Dead Body ◽  
World War ◽  
War Memorials ◽  
The Usa

AbstractMany influential theorists of nationalism see war as a social conflict that to a great extent homogenizes and unifies the nation. Nowhere is that unity more clearly expressed than in war memorials and cemeteries. This article considers the examples of Britain and the USA during the aftermath of World War I in order to examine how the state legitimized its ownership of the bodies of its dead soldiers. It argues first that in an internal dispute, when all sides share a normative ideology, nationalism cannot offer an effective basis for legitimacy. Second, it shows that during the aftermath of World War I, the bodies of dead soldiers were not symbols. This article concludes that in order to transform a dead body into a symbol, the body first has to be “de-individualized.”

Protecting capital from itself: U.S. attempts to regulate the Eurocurrency system

1984 ◽  
Vol 38 (1) ◽  
pp. 131-165 ◽  
Author(s):  
James P. Hawley
Keyword(s):  
Federal Reserve ◽  
Social Conflict ◽  
The State ◽  
Financial Systems ◽  
Mediating Role ◽  
Successful Attempt ◽  
Capitalist State ◽  
Treasury Department ◽  
The U.S ◽  
Advanced Capitalist

In 1979 and 1980 the U.S. government attempted to regulate the Eurocurrency system in order to stabilize the international monetary and financial systems, and for U.S. domestic monetary purposes. The conflict between the U.S. government (especially the Treasury Department and the Federal Reserve Board) and U.S.-based transnational banks (TNBs) illustrates TNBs' contradictory interests, which are neither self-evident nor easily discernible, even to TNBs themselves. The state comes to play a mediating role vis-a-vis TNBs in an only partially successful attempt to transform contradictory interests into coherent policy, resulting in conflict between the state and TNBs. The origins of U.S. regulatory initiatives are rooted in multilateral attempts to supervise banks between 1974 and 1978, and the failure of such coordination during the 1978 dollar crisis. From the conflict between U.S. officials and U.S. TNBs emerge varying concepts of TNBs' interests. After examining the reasons for the failure of the U.S. proposals, I conclude by suggesting some implications of TNBs' contradictory interests for statist and social conflict theories of the advanced capitalist state. Few theories of the state have adequately taken into account the complexity and contradictory interests of transnational capital.

Degrees of Democracy: Some Comparative Lessons from India

2000 ◽  
Vol 52 (4) ◽  
pp. 484-519 ◽  
Author(s):  
Patrick Heller
Keyword(s):  
Social Conflict ◽  
Lower Class ◽  
The State ◽  
Social Mobilization ◽  
The Political ◽  
Democratic Institutions ◽  
Democratic Rule ◽  
Economic Marginalization ◽  
Popular Classes ◽  
Dynamic Interplay

This article draws on the case of India to address the question of democratization by exploring the dynamic interplay of the formal, effective, and substantive dimensions of democracy. Fifty-three years of almost uninterrupted democratic rule in India have done little to reduce the political, social, and economic marginalization of India's popular classes. Within India the state of Kerala stands out as an exception. Democratic institutions have effectively managed social conflict and have also helped secure substantive gains for subordinate classes. Kerala's departure from the national trajectory is located in historical patterns of social mobilization that coalesced around lower-class interests and produced forms of state-society engagement conducive to democratic deepening. Contrary to much of the transition literature, this case suggests that high levels of mobilization and redistributive demands have democracy-enhancing effects.

From Slave to Sharecropper in the French Soudan: an Effort at Controlled Social Change

Itinerario ◽  
1983 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 102-115 ◽  
Author(s):  
Martin A. Klein
Keyword(s):  
Social Change ◽  
West Africa ◽  
Slave Trade ◽  
Social Conflict ◽  
Complex Problem ◽  
The State ◽  
Colonial Administration ◽  
French Colonial ◽  
Massive Number ◽  
French Soudan

At the time of conquest, one of the major problems facing the French colonial administration was the massive number of slaves in West Africa. In some districts, they were as much as three fourths of the population. Early on, the slave trade was restricted. Slavery itself was a more complex problem. The administration wanted to ignore or, at best, regulate it, but from the first, the issue threatened embarrassment at home and social conflict in the colonies. The French depended on slave-owning elites to govern West Africa. The desire to protect their control over their slaves often tied these elites to the French. Slavery could not exist without the support of the state, but few colonial administrations dependent on metropolitan parliaments for their budgets could admit that openly. Local administrators were very hostile to any proposal to act against slavery, probably because they feared for their own safety. Both continuing enslavement and the frequent flight of slaves posed problems.

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