Singapore in 1982: Gradual Transition to a New Order

Asian Survey ◽  
1983 ◽  
Vol 23 (2) ◽  
pp. 201-207
Author(s):  
Chan Heng Chee
Keyword(s):  
2020 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 349-382 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ai Fatimah Nur Fuad

This research analyses the historical development of the Tarbiyah movement in Indonesia. Specifically, it analyses on how and to what extent the da’wa of the Tarbiyah movement has been transformed due its changing of religious, social and political dynamics of Indonesia since 1970s until now. Based on this written document-based research, I argue that the gradual transition of the Tarbiyah movement from a politically repressed network of religious purists in the 1970-80s into a fully-fledged dakwah political party (the Prosperous Justice Party /PKS) was the outcome of new ‘political opportunities’ which emerged during a period of demo­cratisation. The political situation during the time of the Tarbiyah movement’s emergence in the early 1980s saw state repression of Islamic movements and this constraint on political opportunity structures was one of the main factors causing the Liqo to be informally organised. Only in the post-New Order period (begun in 1998) did the movement start to generate its formal organizational structure in the shape of a political party named the PK(S). The move towards formality aimed to take advantage of the ‘political opportunity’ provided by a more democratic government, while the less formal and the informal aspects of their organisation supports the party in recruiting new members and mobilizing its sympathisers.Keywords: Da’wa, Tarbiyah movement, PKS, Politics, Indonesia.Penelitian ini mengkaji perkembangan historis gerakan Tarbiyah di Indonesia. Secara khusus, penelitian ini mengkaji mengenai bagaimana dan sejauhmana dakwah gerakan Tarbiyah ini telah mengalami trans­formasi disebabkan oleh perubahan dinamika keagamaan, sosial, dan politik Indonesia sejak tahun 1970-an sampai saat ini. Berdasarkan pene­litian berbasis analisa dokumen tertulis untuk ini, saya berpendapat bahwa transisi bertahap gerakan Tarbiyah dari jaringan agama puritan yang dite­kan secara politis pada tahun 1970-1980-an menjadi sebuah partai politik dakwah pada akhir 1990-an adalah hasil dari peluang politik atau ‘political opportunity' yang muncul selama periode demokratisasi. Situasi politik selama masa kemunculan gerakan Tarbiyah pada awal 1980-an menyebab­kan represi negara atas gerakan Islam dan kendala pada struktur kesem­patan politik ini adalah salah satu faktor utama yang menyebabkan liqo diorganisir secara informal. Pada periode pasca-Orde Baru (dimulai pada tahun 1998) gerakan ini mulai menghasilkan struktur organisasi formal dalam bentuk partai politik bernama PKS. Langkah perubahan menuju formalitas bertujuan untuk mengambil keuntungan dari 'peluang politik' yang dibuka oleh pemerintah yang lebih demokratis, sementara aspek yang kurang formal dan informal dari organisasi /gerakan mereka tetap bisa mendukung partai dalam merekrut anggota baru dan memobilisasi sim­patisannya.Kata Kunci: Dakwah, Gerakan Tarbiyah, PKS, Politik, Indonesia.


Asian Survey ◽  
1983 ◽  
Vol 23 (2) ◽  
pp. 201-207
Author(s):  
Chan Heng Chee
Keyword(s):  

2017 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 407-424
Author(s):  
Jamaluddin Jamaluddin

Indonesian reformation era begins with the fall of President Suharto. Political transition and democratic transition impact in the religious life. Therefore, understandably, when the politic transition is not yet fully reflects the idealized conditions. In addition to the old paradigm that is still attached to the brain of policy makers, various policies to mirror the complexity of stuttering ruler to answer the challenges of religious life. This challenge cannot be separated from the hegemonic legacy of the past, including the politicization of SARA. Hegemony that took place during the New Order period, adversely affected the subsequent transition period. It seems among other things, with airings various conflicts nuances SARA previously muted, forced repressive. SARA issues arise as a result of the narrowing of the accommodation space of the nation state during the New Order regime. The New Order regime has reduced the definition of nation-states is only part of a group of people loyal to the government to deny the diversity of socio-cultural reality in it. To handle the inheritance, every regime in the reform era responds with a pattern and a different approach. It must be realized, that the post-reform era, Indonesia has had four changes of government. The leaders of every regime in the reform era have a different background and thus also have a vision that is different in treating the problem of racial intolerance, particularly against religious aspect. This treatment causes the accomplishment difference each different regimes of dealing with the diversity of race, religion and class that has become the hallmark of Indonesian society.


2010 ◽  
pp. 115-132 ◽  
Author(s):  
S. Agibalov ◽  
A. Kokorin

Copenhagen summit results could be called a failure. This is the failure of UN climate change policy management, but definitely the first step to a new order as well. The article reviews main characteristics of climate policy paradigm shifts. Russian interests in climate change policy and main threats are analyzed. Successful development and implementation of energy savings and energy efficiency policy are necessary and would sufficiently help solving the global climate change problem.


2012 ◽  
pp. 4-31 ◽  
Author(s):  
D. North ◽  
J. Wallis ◽  
S. Webb ◽  
B. Weingast

The paper presents a summary of the forthcoming book by the authors and discusses the sample study of the 9 developing countries. While admitting the non-linearity of economic development they claim that the developing countries make a transition from the limited access orders (where the coalition of powerful elite groups plays a major role, that is based on personal connections and hampers free political and economic competition) to the open access orders with democratic government and efficient decentralized economic system. The major conclusion of this article is that what the limited access societies should do is not simply introducing open access institutions, but reorganizing the incentives of the elites so that to limit violence, provide economic and political stability and make a gradual transition to the open access order beneficial for the elites.


ALQALAM ◽  
2013 ◽  
Vol 30 (3) ◽  
pp. 563
Author(s):  
Suhaimi Suhaimi

In line with the times demand, nationlism changes as a dynamic of dialectics proceeds with changes in social, political, and ekonomic in the country and global levels. Based on a review of historical chronology, this paper analyzed descriptively the relationship between Islam and nationalism in Indonesia. Since the early growth of nationalism and the Dutch colonization period in Indonesia, Islam became the spirit of sacrifice of lives and property of the Indonesian people's fighting to get independence and on the Japanese colonial period and the early days of independence, Islam through the muslim leaders founction as base of departure and developer awareness of nasionalism, patriotism and unity to defend the independence. Despite the authoritarian New Order ruler cope with Islam through the establishment of the Association of Indonesian Muslim Intellectuals (ICMI), but awareness of national Muslim leaders to build Indonesia managed to push governance reforms. And in this era of reform, the spirit of nationalism and the spirit of sacrifice of the Indonesian leaders increasingly eroded by corruption. Key words: proto-nationalism, political nationalism, cultural nationalism.


2008 ◽  
Vol 26 (2) ◽  
pp. 140-167 ◽  
Author(s):  
FELICIA HUGHES-FREELAND

This article explores how gender representations are deployed in anthropological analysis with reference to female performers (ledhek) in rural Java during the last decades of Suharto's New Order Indonesia (1966–1998). 1 It shows how the negative ascriptions given to ledheks were consistent with state promulgated gender ideologies in Indonesia, and explores the women's experiences in performances and everyday life. This different standpoint allows us to understand their dancing from the performers’ points of view, rather than from that of official state endorsed ideas of acceptable performance culture.


Author(s):  
Necati Polat

This book explores the transformation of Turkey’s political regime from 2002 under the AKP rule. Turkey has been through a series of major political shifts historically, roughly from the mid-19th century. The book details the most recent change, locating it in its broader historical setting. Beginning with the AKP rule from late 2002, supported by a wide informal coalition that included liberals, it describes how the ‘former’ Islamists gradually acquired full power between 2007 and 2011. It then chronicles the subsequent phase, looking at politics and rights under the amorphous new order. This highly accessible assessment of the change in question places it in the larger context of political modernisation in the country over the past 150 or so years, covering all of the main issues in contemporary Turkish politics: the religious and secular divide, the Kurds, the military, foreign policy orientation, the state of human rights, the effective concentration of powers in the government and a rule by policy, rather than law, initiated by Erdogan’s increasingly authoritarian populism. The discussion at once situates Turkey in the broader milieu of the Arab Spring, especially in terms of Islamist politics and Muslim piety in the public sphere, with some emphasis on ‘Islamo-nationalism’ (Millî Görüş) as a local Islamist variety. Effortlessly blending history, politics, law, social theory and philosophy in making sense of the change, the book uses the concept of mimesis to show that continuity is a key element in Turkish politics, despite the series of radical breaks that have occurred.


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