Indonesia in 2014

Asian Survey ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 55 (1) ◽  
pp. 174-183 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kikue Hamayotsu

In 2014, Indonesia inaugurated as president the former Governor of Jakarta, Joko Widodo, or “Jokowi,” raising public expectations for reform especially among people outside the powerful political and business elite circles. It is uncertain to what extent, and how, the new government will achieve his reform agendas. Moreover, a relatively weak economy and declining civil liberties may pose an additional challenge, despite Jokowi’s avowed commitment to structural reforms and good governance.

Author(s):  
Rika Kurniaty

This study discusses the politico-business configuration of electoral democracy and its impact on human security in Malang. Indonesia's reforms in the post-Soeharto era marked by implementing new institutions of democracy through direct local elections (Pilkada), where people acquire their rights to directly determine their executive leader at both national and regional levels. Democracy institution is believed would naturally lead to greater human security. However, evidence -from the cases experienced in Malang- reveals a different result. The introduction of democratic institutions harmed human security because predatory alliances hijacked it. Liberal space as well as the opening up of elite competitions, provided by democracy, interfered with local politics. Both local politics and economic spheres were dominated by political and business elite coalitions. Also, the sustainability of good governance and democratic institutions tends to be dictated by the interests of these predatory elite alliances. Although there have been abundant studies on Indonesia’s democratization and decentralization, the problem of human security in the democratization process has rarely been conducted. This study, therefore, aims to reveal the practice of politico- business alliances in Malang that take over public resources and local budgets for their interests through the democratic institution. The significance of this study is an empirical contribution to develop an understanding of the process of how democratic institutions are hijacked by a few people (local elites) by seizing regional resources and sacrificing human security. Keywords: electoral democracy, human security, politico-business alliance, Malang Regency


2005 ◽  
Vol 44 (4I) ◽  
pp. 335-342
Author(s):  
Shaukat Aziz

It is a real privilege to be in the midst of such an august gathering for the fourth time in six years. Last night as I was preparing my remarks to come here I could not help but think about my first interaction in this very hotel in Islamabad six years ago. It was the 15th AGM of PSDE where in November 1999, I had been in the office for a few weeks, I took this opportunity to present a road map to this very audience. We have come a long way since November 1999. As I reflected last night, six years ago it was a very daunting, exciting and a very stimulating thought process. Six years ago the country was faced with many challenges. Today, we are also faced with challenges but different challenges. Six years ago we were in crisis management rather then economic management. Today we are in a different plane and heading towards a different destination. In my remarks six years ago I talked about the need for good governance, the need for structural reforms and the need for raising the quality of people we have engaged, i.e., increasing the human capital of the country and improving it. I do not want to spend too much time on where we were six years ago except to say that the country was in a debt trap, and we were living from crisis to crisis. We were in a balance of payment situation where the situation was precarious, our credit rating was off the charts, creditors were chasing us to be paid. I remember entering the MoF office every morning and suppliers, mostly foreigners, chasing us as to when we will be paid. So we were in technical default and so on and so forth. The fund programme was going from tranche to tranche. Why did a sovereign state of 150 million people end up the way it did six years ago and we still have a lot of work to do. We also had issues like IPP’s impacting the investment climate in the country. We had a lot of litigation going as a result the deficits were huge and growing. Overall situation look challenging. At that time I had talked about the need for reforms.


Author(s):  
Emine Beyza Satoglu

This empirical paper examines how institutional strengths or weaknesses of emerging markets might affect investment inflows into these countries. The study includes data of 13 emerging economies from different regions. The countries included are Argentina, Brazil, Chile, China, Indonesia, India, South Korea, Mexico, Malaysia, Nigeria, Poland, Russia, and Turkey for the time period 2000-2018. The institutional variables; property rights, good governance, corruption, rule of law, and civil liberties are examined to understand if there is a deviation from the existing literature for the emerging countries. Secondly, we also investigated differences among the emerging countries and asked if non-BRIC countries are different in results. A panel data model has been performed for the analysis. Our findings prove that some institutions such as corruption, civil liberties, property rights, and good governance are significantly important to attract FDI into the emerging markets, as indicated in the literature for the developed countries, but not as strong as assumed. Secondly, other institutional constructs such as rule of law and political stability found to be insignificant in emerging markets. Finally, we found a similar result even when we analyzed emerging markets without BRIC countries.


Author(s):  
Besfat Dejen Engdaw

Decentralization and good governance are policy instruments whereby the world in general and African in particular have pursued it for the past 40 and 50 years. Despite empirical studies not yet being conclusive, decentralization helps to improve good governance. Decentralization and good governance are brought into Africa following the beginning and end of structural reforms, to bring economic development, respectively. The chapter has six parts. The first part deals with the introduction and background of good governance and decentralization. The second part highlights the meanings or concepts and elements of good governance, and issues and concepts related to decentralization. The third part insights the relationship between decentralization and good governance. The fourth part gives some highlights about decentralization and good governance in Africa, and when and why decentralization has been introduced among African nations. The fifth part investigates the relationship between decentralization, good governance, and economic development; and the last part provides conclusion.


ETIKONOMI ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 207-220
Author(s):  
Agus Supandi Soegoto ◽  
Ritson Eras Kadisi

Public demand for the implementation of good governance in the public sector for several years has been increasing because the performance of public services does not seem to meet public expectations. The purpose of this study is to determine the influence of entrepreneurial mental attitude on the performance of the government apparatus in the district of Sitaro Islands. The analytical method used is associative and relies on multiple linear regression. The results show that both simultaneously and partially, entrepreneurial government mental attitudes including innovator, brave and creative attitudes, creating value and recognizing opportunities, communication skills, human mobility, and resource have a positive and significant impact on the performance of government officials. The results also show the attitude of innovators has the lowest variable value which means that the leaders should enhance the attitude of Mental Entrepreneurial by improving the employees’ attitude of innovators, either through leadership training, entrepreneurship, or education quality improvement, therefore the performance of the officials may be enhanced.DOI: 10.15408/etk.v16i2.4968


2019 ◽  
Vol 12 (3) ◽  
pp. 136
Author(s):  
M. Kolawole Aliyu ◽  
Hope Amoge Ikedinma ◽  
Nwaugha Livinus ◽  
Salaam Rasak Olanrewaju

This study examines the expectations of the electorates from political office holders, using Oyo state as a case study. It also finds out how feasible the expectations are, and if political office holders are able to meet such expectations. The study equally examines the factors that aid and prevent such expectations from being met and discusses the impact of the expectations on good governance in the study area. Primary data was sourced with a self structured questionnaire administered on 150 respondents drawn from electorates, public officials/elected officials and civil society organizations across the 33 local government areas of Oyo State, analyzed by Statistical Package for Social Scientist (SPSS) and interpreted in percentages and frequency distribution. The secondary data was sourced from books, journals, newspapers publications and internet materials, and content analyzed. The study revealed that people have varied expectations but same on medical facilities, poverty alleviation, security of lives and property, education and economic development. The study also revealed that political office holders are aware of the expectations of the people through the mass media, social media and direct contact but do not meet them. The study found that adequate fund and manpower are key factors that help political office holders to meet up with the expectations and that lack of funds; inadequate manpower, corruption, and influence of political godfathers are hindrances to meeting up with the expectations of the electorates. It also found that public expectations have impact on good governance and that the impact is a positive one.


2018 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 134-154 ◽  
Author(s):  
Devid Kumar Basyal ◽  
Niraj Poudyal ◽  
Jin-Wan Seo

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to revisit the relationship between E-government and corruption using global panel data from 176 countries covering the period from 2003 to 2014, considering other potential determinants, such as economic prosperity (gross domestic product per capita [GDPPC]), price stability (inflation), good governance (political stability and government effectiveness) and press freedom (civil liberties and political rights) indicators. Hence, the main rationale of this study is to reexamine the conventional wisdom as to the relationship between E-government and corruption using panel data independent of any preexisting notions. Design/methodology/approach The probability reduction approach of empirical modeling proposed by Spanos (2009) is used to test the relationship. Secondary data were collected from the United Nations, the World Bank, Transparency International and Freedom House. Findings No statistical evidence was found for the idea that E-government has a positive impact on corruption reduction following a rigorous test of the proposition. However, strong evidence was found for the positive impact of a country’s government effectiveness, political stability and economic status. There also appears to be some evidence for the effect of GDPPC and civil liberties. There is no evidence to prove that inflation and political rights have any corruption reducing the effect. Research limitations/implications Case studies suggest that E-government is helpful for curbing corruption. This study includes and examines some of the potential and important variables associated with corruption. Further research is encouraged and it should include more variables, such as national culture, poverty, religion and geography. Regarding methodology, a more parsimonious model must be sought to take into account adequately the entire probabilistic structure of the data. Practical implications The findings of the study demonstrate that E-government is less significant for reducing corruption compared to other factors. Hence, policymakers should further focus on other potential areas such as socio-economic factors, good governance, culture and transparency to combat corruption in addition to improving digital government. Originality/value This research applies a new methodological approach to the study of the relationship between E-government and corruption.


2006 ◽  
Vol 44 (4) ◽  
pp. 493-511 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bruce Baker

This article examines the substance behind the claim that Cape Verde, a small archipelago state off the west coast of Africa, is the best country in Africa for political rights and civil liberties. Based on interviews conducted with 22 key informants in government, the judiciary, the legislature and civil society, it explores the electoral process, the political parties, the functioning of the National Assembly, civil and political rights, the judicial system, civil society and economic equality. It finds that Cape Verde's unique geography and history have played a key role in facilitating good governance, and an open and non-violent society that values the real political gains of 1991. However, democracy has not yet eradicated either gender discrimination, dependence on the diaspora or poverty.


2020 ◽  
Vol 72 (4) ◽  
pp. 525-556
Author(s):  
Iza Ding

ABSTRACTThe state often struggles to meet citizens’ demands but confronts strong public pressure to do so. What does the state do when public expectations exceed its actual governing capacity? This article shows that the state can respond by engaging in performative governance—the theatrical deployment of language, symbols, and gestures to foster an impression of good governance among citizens. Performative governance should be distinguished from other types of state behavior, such as inertia, paternalism, and the substantive satisfaction of citizens’ demands. The author illustrates this concept in the realm of environmental governance in China. Given the severity of China’s environmental pollution, the resulting public outcry, and the logistical and political challenges involved in solving the problem, how can the state redeem itself? Ethnographic evidence from participant observation at a municipal environmental protection bureau reveals that when bureaucrats are confronted with the dual burdens of low state capacity and high public scrutiny, they engage in performative governance to assuage citizens’ complaints. This study draws attention to the double meaning of “performance” in political contexts, and the essential distinction between the substantive and the theatrical.


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