scholarly journals Human Security in The Age of Electoral Democracy: Politico-Business Alliances in The Malang Regency, Indonesia

Author(s):  
Rika Kurniaty

This study discusses the politico-business configuration of electoral democracy and its impact on human security in Malang. Indonesia's reforms in the post-Soeharto era marked by implementing new institutions of democracy through direct local elections (Pilkada), where people acquire their rights to directly determine their executive leader at both national and regional levels. Democracy institution is believed would naturally lead to greater human security. However, evidence -from the cases experienced in Malang- reveals a different result. The introduction of democratic institutions harmed human security because predatory alliances hijacked it. Liberal space as well as the opening up of elite competitions, provided by democracy, interfered with local politics. Both local politics and economic spheres were dominated by political and business elite coalitions. Also, the sustainability of good governance and democratic institutions tends to be dictated by the interests of these predatory elite alliances. Although there have been abundant studies on Indonesia’s democratization and decentralization, the problem of human security in the democratization process has rarely been conducted. This study, therefore, aims to reveal the practice of politico- business alliances in Malang that take over public resources and local budgets for their interests through the democratic institution. The significance of this study is an empirical contribution to develop an understanding of the process of how democratic institutions are hijacked by a few people (local elites) by seizing regional resources and sacrificing human security. Keywords: electoral democracy, human security, politico-business alliance, Malang Regency

2021 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 41-63
Author(s):  
Naomi R Williams

Abstract This article explores the shifting politics of the Racine, Wisconsin, working-class community from World War II to the 1980s. It looks at the ways Black workers’ activism influenced local politics and how their efforts played out in the 1970s and 1980s. Case studies show how an expansive view of the boundaries of the Racine labor community led to cross-sector labor solidarity and labor-community coalitions that expanded economic citizenship rights for more working people in the city. The broad-based working-class vision pursued by the Racine labor community influenced local elections, housing and education, increased the number of workers with the power of unions behind them, and improved Racine's economic and social conditions. By the 1980s, Racine's labor community included not only industrial workers but also members of welfare and immigrants’ rights groups, parents of inner-city students, social workers and other white-collar public employees, and local and state politicians willing to support a class-based agenda in the political arena. Worker activists’ ability to maintain and adapt their notion of a broad-based labor community into the late twentieth century shows how this community and others like it responded to the upheaval of the 1960s social movements by creating a broad and relatively successful concept of worker solidarity that also incorporated racial justice.


2020 ◽  
Vol 38 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Henning Melber

South African Finance Ministers (notably in the plural, given the events since December 2015) face multiple challenges. They deal not only with an economy in stagnation through an austerity policy as recently presented by Pravin Gordhan in his Medium Term Budget in late  October, but also with the sobering results of the limited socio-economic transformation since the end of apartheid. The contradictions prevailing since then are reflected not least in the devastating crisis sweeping across South Africa  universities. As if that is not enough, a Finance Minister concerned about good governance is also waging an uphill battle to reduce damage by trying to protect the state and its assets from further capture by predatory elites. Considering all of this, it is not surprising that a critical analysis of what is termed economic freedom, an interpretation of the meaning and its consequences, is a fitting contribution to the Strategic Review. Joleen Steyn Kotze presents such an examination in the first article of this issue. Her reflections compare and juxtapose the different notions and ideologies of economic freedom and the effects these may have if turned into policy. This invites further debate regarding the transformation of South African society, which inherited one of the most grossly unequal societies in our world, a condition yet to be markedly reduced. Debates are also required about other aspects that are relevant for a journal focused on regional strategic issues. These include not least the notion of human security and the role of the military. Thuso Benton Mongwaketse relates directly with his contribution, to a subject raised in recent issues.1) By concluding that "security and human security in particular, is fundamentally about responsiveness, accountability, and transparency in governance", he more than indirectly links the discourse on the role of a national defence force to the socio-economic dimensions dealt with in the first article.


2018 ◽  
Vol 26 (68) ◽  
pp. 27-42 ◽  
Author(s):  
Maria Antónia de Figueiredo Pires de Almeida

Abstract Introduction The article presents a historical analysis of the participation of women in Portuguese politics and reveals the positive effects of the introduction of the parity law in 2006. In the 2015 national elections, for the first time one third of the elected the Members of the Portuguese Parliament were women. However, in municipalities there is still a long way to go to reach this level of female political representation. Does the political system limit women’s access only to elected positions? Thus, important questions remain: why are women still a minority in local politics? What obstacles do they encounter? And what can be done to improve the situation? Materials and Methods For this investigation, data were collected on the electronic pages of municipalities and political parties, as well as in the press, to monitor the evolution of the presence of women in Portuguese local government, initially as members of the administrative commissions appointed to manage municipal councils from 1974 to the first elections that took place on December 12, 1976 and then as elected representatives from 1976 to the latest 2017 local elections, comparing this level with central government. Results The study of this group reveals higher educational levels and more specialized jobs among women than among men, particularly in teaching and management. There is also discussion of partisan membership and it is revealed that left-wing parties invest more in women for local government than do right-wing parties. Discussion Although four decades have passed since the democratic regime was established, the representation of women in politics is still incipient. We present some examples of policy actions that can encourage the presence of women in local government and increase their role as active citizens.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jesse Yoder

Homeowners and renters have participated in politics at different rates throughout American history, but does becoming a property owner motivate an individual to par- ticipate in local politics? I combine deed-level property records in California and Texas with an original dataset on individual comments in local city council meetings to study the role of property ownership in shaping costly forms of political behavior, and I document large inequalities in who participates at city council meetings. I also link property records to individual-level contribution records and administrative voter files and find that becoming a property owner increases an individual’s political activity. Over and above voting in local elections, property ownership motivates individuals to participate in local city council meetings and donate to candidates. These findings illustrate how the experience of homeownership leads property owners to become much more active in local politics.


Author(s):  
Niaz Ahmad ◽  
Abida Bano ◽  
Ashfaq Rehman

Local government is visualised as a tool for promoting political participation, downward accountability, which consequently leads to the establishment of good governance at the grass-root level. In the establishment of the local government system, the main ingredients of good governance, such as participation and downward accountability, reckon almost on the nature of elections. However, societies marked with strong cultural and socially embedded informal institutions, already existed from generations, hinder formal institutions to play its intended role. In Pakistan, some socio-cultural features like gender, ascribed status, and economic background of the individuals influence the entire process of elections adversely. This paper attempts to assess the processes of the local government elections in District Karak, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa Pakistan. It aims to highlight the deterministic role of other informal institutional forces that affect the outcome of local elections. It investigates, how the process of local government elections is influenced in Pakistan and how do people decide whom to vote for in these elections. The study argues that policymakers should work on strengthening the formal institutions of elections through measures such as monitoring by media, referendums, auditing, evaluations, education, and political awareness as alternatives to ensure good governance at the local level in Pakistan.


Author(s):  
Jeffrey Kurebwa

This study seeks to make a strong case for young people's visibility in the governance framework, not only in the sectors that are traditionally linked to their wellbeing and development. Young people should be visible with respect to their role in governance and accountability. This will help ensure that commitments made across all these areas are translated into relevant actions on the ground; it will support young people's ability to hold national and local authorities accountable, and strengthen young people's active involvement in promoting good governance practices at the global, national and local levels, laying the foundations for their long-term engagement as active citizens. The state has the responsibility to perform a core set of duties that allow society to function and exist. In doing so, it forges a relationship with its citizens. Participatory governance is one of many strategies of governance, and refers to the processes and deliberations that citizens are engaged in when discussing the distribution of public resources and broader decision making.


2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 129-144
Author(s):  
Mphonyane Rakhare ◽  
Tania Coetzee

The article acknowledges that Lesotho governance has been characterised by unstable democracy since its attainment of independence in 1966, which makes civil society and other democratic institutions unable to pursue their roles as expected. The proposed solution to overcome predicaments that Lesotho faces was to have active and vibrant democratic institutions such as civil societies, ombudsman, political parties, independent media, independent electoral commissions and the legislative, executive and judiciary. The article aims to bridge the gap by examining published literature and documentary review, which clearly elucidate how good governance can be achieved in a democratic country with the help of active democratic institutions. The article highlights the importance of active and vibrant civil society in governance and public policy. The article concludes by justifying that in deed the government of Lesotho should accept and allow participation of civil society so as to be able to realise its contribution and the important role played by it. Also, civil society in Lesotho must distance themselves from suspicions that they are political parties in disguise.


2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 215-222 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tom Ascott

Advances in deepfake technology have led to the emergence of a new picture of how doctored material will be used in disinformation campaigns. While safeguards ensure that manipulated videos may not be such a problem at the highest levels of security and defence, lower levels ‐ such as local elections ‐ remain vulnerable to malign actors. At such levels, deepfakes can be distributed using social media channels to target unsuspecting victims. Current solutions only protect individuals who are prominent enough to be covered by the mainstream media, and not enough is being done by governments or social media companies to protect ordinary users from coordinated inauthentic activity online. However, with more images and videos of ourselves online than ever before, anyone can be a victim of a disinformation campaign. As deepfakes become easier to make, no one is safe ‐ hyper-localized manipulation will create problems for democratic institutions that have not yet been fully understood.


Asian Survey ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 55 (1) ◽  
pp. 174-183 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kikue Hamayotsu

In 2014, Indonesia inaugurated as president the former Governor of Jakarta, Joko Widodo, or “Jokowi,” raising public expectations for reform especially among people outside the powerful political and business elite circles. It is uncertain to what extent, and how, the new government will achieve his reform agendas. Moreover, a relatively weak economy and declining civil liberties may pose an additional challenge, despite Jokowi’s avowed commitment to structural reforms and good governance.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document