scholarly journals Pemilihan Kepala Daerah (Pilkada) dan Tantangan Demokrasi Lokal di Indonesia

2016 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 212 ◽  
Author(s):  
Suyatno Suyatno

<p>Direct local leader elections (Pilkada) had replaced indirect local elections. It based on the spirit of people empowerment to participate choosing local leaders more democratic. Responsiveness is an important element besides participation which represent local democracy. These two variables will decide the local elections that can enhance the quality of local democracy. This paper uses qualitative methodology to analyze the data of participation and responsiveness of Pilkada as an important variables in local democracy. People participation in Pilkada is not as high as the participation in New Order elections. Their participation are more substantive because accompanied assessment of the level of responsiveness of a local leader. Incumbent successful running of local responsiveness will get continued success as the next local elections victory. In contrast, incumbent who failed in the implementation of responsiveness will obtain defeat. Victory and defeat incumbent in the election can be stated that the relevance of participation and responsiveness become very important in the local democratic process as a whole.</p>

2011 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 1-18
Author(s):  
Iwan J Azis

Decentralization policy by itself is not a panacea for problems of accountability. A model is developed to exemplify a condition whereby given widespread 'capture’ in local elections, voices or people’s participation stands out as the most important factor that determines whether the decentralization system produces positive or negative local capture. The size of local budget and the initial welfare condition matter as well. The latter can also explicate the persistent gap between poor and rich regions observed in many countries. The welfare effect of the policy depends on the behavior and quality of local leader that govern the interplay of the above factors. The model can thus produce multiple equilibria. To the extent that the quality and behavior of local leader play a critical role, a three-player coordination game is constructed to reflect the hypothesis postulated by the theory of endogenous institution.


2017 ◽  
Vol 20 (3) ◽  
pp. 221 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rasyid Thaha ◽  
Haryanto Haryanto

Researchers in many countries consider that independent candidates affect the quality of elections wherein independent candidates can enhance the consolidation of democracy within the context of political openness, bring about more competitive elections, and become an established pathway for alternative leadership figures. In Indonesia, these conclusions need to be further explored with the implementation of provisions regarding independent candidates in local elections. Therefore, the main objective of this research is to illustrate the political events involving each individual candidate based on questions of individual actions. The main questions relate to why candidates choose the path of an independent, what capital they have, why are independent candidates more influential than others, and what are the consequences of their presence for democracy in Indonesia. This paper concludes that the independent track is merely one of the means available, in addition to the party, in pursuing political office in local elections. There is no apparent footing relating to what independent candidates stand for. Moreover, there is yet to be an independent candidate who is truly a social activist wanting to promote alternative issues, a representative of interest groups, or a representative of classes in the local community. Independent candidates are a part of a Schumpeterian procedural logic which is merely for political elite circulation. To put it simply, there is nothing new and rejuvenating in the practices of local democracy in Indonesia.


Author(s):  
Sodikin Sodikin

Pemilihan kepala daerah merupakan salah satu proses politik yang dapat dikatakan proses yang sangat demokratis, sehingga pemilihan kepala daerah perlu terus diupayakan agar proses demokrasi itu menjadi bagian dalam sistem pemerintahan pada tingkat daerah. Pelaksanaan pemilihan kepala daerah setelah amandemen UUD 1945 dilakukan secara melalui pemilihan umum. Akan tetapi, pelaksanaannya menimbulkan permasalahan,terutama adalah konflik sosial secara horizontal di masyarakat dan juga kepala daerah yang dipilih tidak menghasilkan kepala daerah apa yang diidealkan dari pemilihan kepala daerah secara langsung. Dengan menggunakan metode deskriptif normatif dapat disimpulkan Pemilihan kepala daerah yang sekarang dilaksanakan secara langsung dan akan terus dilaksanakan secara langsung dan serentak, tidaklah sesuai dengan apa yang dikehendaki dalam Pasal 18 ayat (4) khususnya dan umumnya UUD NRI 1945. Penulis merekomendasikan agar pembentuk undang-undang (DPR dan Pemerintah) dalam membuat undang-undang untuk mengatur pemilihan kepala daerah disesuaikan dengan UUD NRI 1945, untuk menghindari kemungkinan diujimaterialkan ke Mahkamah Konstitusi. Hal ini termasuk undang-undang Pemilihan Kepala Daerah yang sekarang sudah diundangkan.<p>Local election for regional leaders is one of the political process that can be said to be a very democratic process, so that the local elections should be fostered so that it becomes part of the democratic process in the system of governance at the regional level. Implementation of local elections after the amendments of the 1945 Constitution is conducted through elections. However, its implementation has caused problems, particularly horizontally social conflict in the society and moreover the elected regional leaders are not what is idealized by the direct election of local leaders. By using descriptive- normative method, it can be concluded that the current implementation of local election for regional leaders which will be conducted directly and simultaneously, is not correspond with what the Article 18 paragraph (4) stipulates and generely with the 1945 Constitution. Therefore, legislators (House of Representatives and Government) in making laws- especially one that regulated the local elections for regional leaders, need to seek the conformity with the 1945 Constitution, to avoid the possibilty it being submitted to the Constitutional Court for judicial review. This includes the law on local election for regional leaders which has been enacted.</p>


2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 172-187
Author(s):  
Amin Tohari

Decentralization and local democracy are two inseparable elements of post-New Order Indonesia development politics. Furthermore, the quality of decentralization to a certain extent is influenced by the depth and quality of local democratic practices. This study reveals that decentralization is not only an arena of competition between local elites in possession of capital through local democratic institutions, but also an arena in which grassroots groups (peasants) could fight for their land rights. This study observes that local democratic procedures and institutions that are practiced in unison with decentralization are not utilized by the lower classes in the struggle for their rights. This shows the failure of local democratic institutions from taking root in the marginal groups. The success of peasant movements in the struggle for their rights and the practice of local elite domination of the decentralization arena does not come out of the blue, but is related to the history of the formation of the agrarian structure and social class. This study concludes that on one side, local elites trust democratic institutions and procedures to achieve their goals, while on the other side the grassroots have their own logic on how local democracy should have been practiced, namely by not separating practice of local democracy from the missions of justice and social welfare for the common good.


2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 225-236
Author(s):  
Muhammad Ichsan Kabullah ◽  
Feri Amsari ◽  
Wein Arifin ◽  
Fauzan Misra

The regulations of campaign finance have highly problematic for local electios (Pilkada) in Indonesia. However, the campaign finance system changed gradually over the following years, many alleged campaign violations committed by candidates during local elections. In this study, the researcher wants to assess campaign finance regulations based on the accountability concept. The measurement of accountability in the campaign finance regulations has been divided into two perspectives, which are legal and finance. The study used a qualitative method with a case study approach in Jambi's three regions, which held local elections (Pilkada) in 2018. This study argues that the current regulations have not solved the whole problem of campaign funds. The level of corruption by candidates remains stubbornly high due to less authority and weak sanctions. At the same time, most campaign finance regulations have never been enforced. As a result, revising Acts on the election, enhancing law enforcement, and raising public awareness need to promote for ensuring the quality of local democracy.


2017 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 147
Author(s):  
Agus Budi Santoso

<p>Pemilihan Kepala Daerah di Indonesia mengalami perubahan yang cukup beragam, mulai dari pilkada secara langsung, pilkada melalui mekanisme perwakilan, yaitu dipilih oleh DPRD, hingga kembali pada pilkada secara langsung. Peraturan perundang-undangan mengenai pemilihan kepala daerah yang berlaku saat ini yaitu Undang-Undang Nomor 8 Tahun 2015 membuka peluang munculnya calon kepala daerah melalui jalur independen. Penelitian ini dalam rangka mengetahui dan menganalisis eksistensi dan permasalahan pencalonan Kepala Daerah secara independen dalam Pemilukada. Jenis penelitian yang digunakan merupakan penelitian hukum dengan pendekatan perundang-undangan, pendekatan konsep dan pendekatan kasus. Sumber bahan hukum dalam penelitian ini terdiri dari: primer, sekunder dan tersier. Teknik pengumpulan bahan hukum merupakan teknik studi kepustakaan dilengkapi dengan wawancara dengan responden terbatas yang relevan. Teknik analisis yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah analisis deskripsi yuridis, yaitu analisis yang mendasarkan pada teori-teori, konsep dan peraturan perundang-undangan.</p><p> </p><p><em>The system of electing local leaders in Indonesia has changed varyingly, starting from direct election, the election through mechanisms of representatives in which the leader was elected by parliament, to the re-application of direct election. The Law No. 8 of 2015 which now governs local elections provides a chance for independent candidate to run for the local leadership office. This study was conducted to determine and analyze the existing problems surrounding the independent candidacy system in the local leader election. This research is basically a legal research utilizing statute approach, conceptual approach as well as case approach. Primary, secondary and tertiary legal materials are thorrughly used in this research. The legal materials are gathered through literature study and supplemented by interviews with limited relevant respondents. The analysis technique adopted in this research is juridical descriptive which is based on relevant theories, concepts and legislations.</em></p>


2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 249-260
Author(s):  
Halilul Khairi

Local elections (Pilkada) still face problems, both technical and substantive. Efforts to improve have been made several times by revising the law regulating local elections (Pilkada). In the simultaneous local elections in 2020, money politics arose again. The issue of cukong democracy practices depicted capital owners' power to finance local leaders candidates to contest local elections (Pilkada). This study explores and structures the problems underlying money politics in local elections (Pilkada), which formulate alternative solutions based on logical reasoning. The exploration and formulation of issues and the preparation of alternative solutions are carried out using strong arguments to ensure the conclusions' plausibility. The practice of money politics can occur in two main areas, namely in ​​the nomination process in the form of political dowries paid by candidates to political parties. In the campaign area, the condition of buying and selling votes carried out by candidates with voters. The practice of political dowry occurs due to the limited alternatives that a person can use to run for regional head elections. The nomination mechanism is much more difficult and costly through individual channels, so paying political dowries to political parties is the easiest and more specific option. The practice of money politics occurs because of voters' mental attitudes who are not rational, and the system of sanctions still supports the way of buying and selling votes. Alternative solutions to money politics in these two areas are compiled by doing a simulative analysis that can eliminate the practice's root causes. Decreasing the threshold for candidate submission by political parties, adopting the maximum point for political party support, reducing the number of voter support requirements for individual candidates, eliminating political dowries in local leader nominations, and simultaneously reducing costs for individual candidates. Adopting criminal sanctions for givers in the practice of buying and selling votes is an alternative solution in preventing the way of buying and selling votes in local elections (Pilkada).


Author(s):  
Stéphane A. Dudoignon

Since 2002, Sunni jihadi groups have been active in Iranian Baluchistan without managing to plunge the region into chaos. This book suggests that a reason for this, besides Tehran’s military responses, has been the quality of Khomeini and Khamenei’s relationship with a network of South-Asia-educated Sunni ulama (mawlawis) originating from the Sarbaz oasis area, in the south of Baluchistan. Educated in the religiously reformist, socially conservative South Asian Deoband School, which puts the madrasa at the centre of social life, the Sarbazi ulama had taken advantage, in Iranian territory, of the eclipse of Baluch tribal might under the Pahlavi monarchy (1925-79). They emerged then as a bulwark against Soviet influence and progressive ideologies, before rallying to Khomeini in 1979. Since the turn of the twenty-first century, they have been playing the role of a rampart against Salafi propaganda and Saudi intrigues. The book shows that, through their alliance with an Iranian Kurdish-born Muslim-Brother movement and through the promotion of a distinct ‘Sunni vote’, they have since the early 2000s contributed towards – and benefitted from – the defence by the Reformist presidents Khatami (1997-2005) and Ruhani (since 2013) of local democracy and of the minorities’ rights. They endeavoured to help, at the same time, preventing the propagation of jihadism and Sunni radicalisation to Iran – at least until the ISIS/Daesh-claimed attacks of June 2017, in Tehran, shed light on the limits of the Islamic Republic’s strategy of reliance on Deobandi ulama and Muslim-Brother preachers in the country’s Sunni-peopled peripheries.


Data in Brief ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 107039
Author(s):  
Pavel Šaradín ◽  
Tomáš Lebeda ◽  
Jakub Lysek ◽  
Michal Soukop ◽  
Daniela Ostrá ◽  
...  

2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. e001047
Author(s):  
Asam Latif ◽  
Nargis Gulzar ◽  
Fiona Lowe ◽  
Theo Ansong ◽  
Sejal Gohil

BackgroundQuality improvement (QI) involves the use of systematic tools and methods to improve the quality of care and outcomes for patients. However, awareness and application of QI among healthcare professionals is poor and new strategies are needed to engage them in this area.ObjectivesThis study describes an innovative collaboration between one Higher Educational Institute (HEI) and Local Pharmaceutical Committees (LPCs) to develop a postgraduate QI module aimed to upskill community pharmacists in QI methods. The study explores pharmacist engagement with the learning and investigates the impact on their practice.MethodsDetails of the HEI–LPCs collaboration and communication with pharmacist were recorded. Focus groups were held with community pharmacists who enrolled onto the module to explore their motivation for undertaking the learning, how their knowledge of QI had changed and how they applied this learning in practice. A constructivist qualitative methodology was used to analyse the data.ResultsThe study found that a HEI–LPC partnership was feasible in developing and delivering the QI module. Fifteen pharmacists enrolled and following its completion, eight took part in one of two focus groups. Pharmacists reported a desire to extend and acquire new skills. The HEI–LPC partnership signalled a vote of confidence that gave pharmacists reassurance to sign up for the training. Some found returning to academia challenging and reported a lack of time and organisational support. Despite this, pharmacists demonstrated an enhanced understanding of QI, were more analytical in their day-to-day problem-solving and viewed the learning as having a positive impact on their team’s organisational culture with potential to improve service quality for patients.ConclusionsWith the increased adoption of new pharmacist’s roles and recent changes to governance associated with the COVID-19 pandemic, a HEI–LPC collaborative approach could upskill pharmacists and help them acquire skills to accommodate new working practices.


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