Local Elections (Pilkada): Money Politics and Cukong Democracy

Local elections (Pilkada) still face problems, both technical and substantive. Efforts to improve have been made several times by revising the law regulating local elections (Pilkada). In the simultaneous local elections in 2020, money politics arose again. The issue of cukong democracy practices depicted capital owners' power to finance local leaders candidates to contest local elections (Pilkada). This study explores and structures the problems underlying money politics in local elections (Pilkada), which formulate alternative solutions based on logical reasoning. The exploration and formulation of issues and the preparation of alternative solutions are carried out using strong arguments to ensure the conclusions' plausibility. The practice of money politics can occur in two main areas, namely in the nomination process in the form of political dowries paid by candidates to political parties. In the campaign area, the condition of buying and selling votes carried out by candidates with voters. The practice of political dowry occurs due to the limited alternatives that a person can use to run for regional head elections. The nomination mechanism is much more difficult and costly through individual channels, so paying political dowries to political parties is the easiest and more specific option. The practice of money politics occurs because of voters' mental attitudes who are not rational, and the system of sanctions still supports the way of buying and selling votes. Alternative solutions to money politics in these two areas are compiled by doing a simulative analysis that can eliminate the practice's root causes. Decreasing the threshold for candidate submission by political parties, adopting the maximum point for political party support, reducing the number of voter support requirements for individual candidates, eliminating political dowries in local leader nominations, and simultaneously reducing costs for individual candidates. Adopting criminal sanctions for givers in the practice of buying and selling votes is an alternative solution in preventing the way of buying and selling votes in local elections (Pilkada).

Download Full-text

Minimalinvasiv oder wirksam? Debattenbeitrag zur Novellierung des Bundeswahlrechts vom Oktober 2020

Zeitschrift für Parlamentsfragen ◽

10.5771/0340-1758-2021-3-675 ◽

2021 ◽

Vol 52 (3) ◽

pp. 675-684

Author(s):

Johannes Krause

Keyword(s):

Political Parties ◽

Electoral System ◽

Vote System ◽

The Political ◽

Local Elections ◽

Standard Size ◽

National Parliament ◽

System P ◽

Voting System ◽

The Way

Despite the 2020 reform of Germany’s national parliament voting law, the debate about a robust voting system has not ended . Träger and Jacobs have convincingly shown that Naundorf’s suggestion to introduce a parallel voting system creates more problems than it solves, and thus more far-reaching approaches have to be considered . One way to stop the Bundestag from growing is to reject the two vote-system . Comparable to the system of Thuringia’s local elections, with open lists and three votes per voter, both the standard size of the Bundestag can be safely adhered to and at the same time a personalized proportional representation can be maintained . Among other advantages, the voters would have greater influence on the personalized composition of the Bundestag . In particular, reservations on the part of the political parties could stand in the way of such a sustainable solution to the ongoing problems with the German electoral system .

Download Full-text

Pemilihan Kepala Daerah (Pilkada) dan Tantangan Demokrasi Lokal di Indonesia

Politik Indonesia Indonesian Political Science Review ◽

10.15294/jpi.v1i2.6586 ◽

2016 ◽

Vol 1 (2) ◽

pp. 212 ◽

Cited By ~ 2

Author(s):

Suyatno Suyatno

Keyword(s):

Qualitative Methodology ◽

New Order ◽

Local Elections ◽

Democratic Process ◽

Local Democracy ◽

Democratic Responsiveness ◽

Local Leader ◽

People Participation ◽

Local Leaders

Direct local leader elections (Pilkada) had replaced indirect local elections. It based on the spirit of people empowerment to participate choosing local leaders more democratic. Responsiveness is an important element besides participation which represent local democracy. These two variables will decide the local elections that can enhance the quality of local democracy. This paper uses qualitative methodology to analyze the data of participation and responsiveness of Pilkada as an important variables in local democracy. People participation in Pilkada is not as high as the participation in New Order elections. Their participation are more substantive because accompanied assessment of the level of responsiveness of a local leader. Incumbent successful running of local responsiveness will get continued success as the next local elections victory. In contrast, incumbent who failed in the implementation of responsiveness will obtain defeat. Victory and defeat incumbent in the election can be stated that the relevance of participation and responsiveness become very important in the local democratic process as a whole.

Download Full-text

Dynasty Control of the Process of Forming Coalition of Political Parties in the 2020 Cilegon Local Leaders Election

ijd-demos ◽

10.37950/ijd.v3i3.114 ◽

2021 ◽

Vol 3 (3) ◽

Author(s):

Abdul Riyansyah ◽

Ferliana Ferliana ◽

Yeby Ma'asan Mayrudin ◽

Moh. Rizky Godjali

Keyword(s):

Political Parties ◽

Winning Coalition ◽

Case Study Approach ◽

State Institutions ◽

Study Approach ◽

Track Record ◽

Local Leader ◽

The Family ◽

Local Leaders

Abstract This paper discusses the power of political dynasties in Cilegon in the process of forming a coalition of political parties in the 2020 Pilkada. The embodiment of political dynasties continues to be accommodated to perpetuate power by putting aside the track record of organizing experience both in parties and in state institutions. The theory used in this study is the theory of political dynasties and party coalitions. The research method uses a qualitative study with an explanatory case study approach. The focus of this study is to explain how coalition maps are formed and how the influence of dynasties on political parties. The results of this study indicate that the strong influence of political dynasties in Cilegon arises because of the power that has been held since Cilegon City was founded after Banten officially became a province. At that time the elected mayor was Tubagus Aat Syafaat and continued with his sons Tubagus Iman Ariyadi and Ratu Ati Marliati until the 2020 Local Leader Election. The family mainly used the Golkar Party and lower-middle parties to perpetuate their power to form the Minimum Winning Coalition model so that passed the nomination process. Keywords: political dynasty; party coalition; pilkada; cilegon cityAbstrak Tulisan ini membahas kekuatan dinasti politik yang ada di Kota Cilegon dalam proses pembentukan koalisi partai politik di Pilkada tahun 2020. Pengejawantahan dinasti politik terus diakomodasi untuk melanggengkan kekuasaan dengan menyampingkan rekam jejak pengalaman pengorganisasian baik di partai maupun di kelembagaan negara. Teori yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah teori dinasti politik dan koalisi partai. Adapun metode penelitian menggunakan kualitatif dengan pendekatan studi kasus eksplanatoris. Fokus kajian ini yaitu mengupas tentang bagaimana peta koalisi terbentuk dan bagaimana pengaruh dinasti terhadap partai-partai politik. Adapun hasil penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa pengaruh kuat dari dinasti politik di Cilegon muncul akibat dari kekuasaan yang dimiliki sejak Kota Cilegon berdiri setelah Banten resmi menjadi Provinsi. Saat itu yang terpilih sebagai Walikota yaitu Tubagus Aat Syafaat dan dilanjut dengan anaknya Tubagus Iman Ariyadi dan Ratu Ati Marliati sampai pada saat Pilkada 2020. Keluarga tersebut memanfaatkan utamanya Partai Golkar dan partai-partai menengah-bawah untuk melanggengkan kekuasaannya untuk membentuk model Minnimal Winning Coalition agar lolos proses pencalonannya. Kata Kunci: dinasti politik; koalisi partai; pilkada; kota cilegon

Download Full-text

EKSISTENSI DAN PROBLEMATIKA CALON INDEPENDEN DALAM PEMILUKADA DITINJAU DARI PERSPEKTIF UNDANG-UNDANG NOMOR 8 TAHUN 2015

Refleksi Hukum Jurnal Ilmu Hukum ◽

10.24246/jrh.2017.v1.i2.p147-160 ◽

2017 ◽

Vol 1 (2) ◽

pp. 147

Author(s):

Agus Budi Santoso

Keyword(s):

Local Elections ◽

Literature Study ◽

Legal Research ◽

Conceptual Approach ◽

Local Leadership ◽

Existing Problems ◽

Direct Election ◽

Local Leader ◽

Analysis Technique ◽

Local Leaders

Pemilihan Kepala Daerah di Indonesia mengalami perubahan yang cukup beragam, mulai dari pilkada secara langsung, pilkada melalui mekanisme perwakilan, yaitu dipilih oleh DPRD, hingga kembali pada pilkada secara langsung. Peraturan perundang-undangan mengenai pemilihan kepala daerah yang berlaku saat ini yaitu Undang-Undang Nomor 8 Tahun 2015 membuka peluang munculnya calon kepala daerah melalui jalur independen. Penelitian ini dalam rangka mengetahui dan menganalisis eksistensi dan permasalahan pencalonan Kepala Daerah secara independen dalam Pemilukada. Jenis penelitian yang digunakan merupakan penelitian hukum dengan pendekatan perundang-undangan, pendekatan konsep dan pendekatan kasus. Sumber bahan hukum dalam penelitian ini terdiri dari: primer, sekunder dan tersier. Teknik pengumpulan bahan hukum merupakan teknik studi kepustakaan dilengkapi dengan wawancara dengan responden terbatas yang relevan. Teknik analisis yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah analisis deskripsi yuridis, yaitu analisis yang mendasarkan pada teori-teori, konsep dan peraturan perundang-undangan. The system of electing local leaders in Indonesia has changed varyingly, starting from direct election, the election through mechanisms of representatives in which the leader was elected by parliament, to the re-application of direct election. The Law No. 8 of 2015 which now governs local elections provides a chance for independent candidate to run for the local leadership office. This study was conducted to determine and analyze the existing problems surrounding the independent candidacy system in the local leader election. This research is basically a legal research utilizing statute approach, conceptual approach as well as case approach. Primary, secondary and tertiary legal materials are thorrughly used in this research. The legal materials are gathered through literature study and supplemented by interviews with limited relevant respondents. The analysis technique adopted in this research is juridical descriptive which is based on relevant theories, concepts and legislations.

Download Full-text

Regional features of local elections in 2020: Poltava region

Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv Public Administration ◽

10.17721/2616-9193.2021/13-1/9 ◽

2021 ◽

Vol 13 (1) ◽

pp. 5-12

Author(s):

Petro Vorona ◽

S. A. Solovey

Keyword(s):

Political Parties ◽

Local Governments ◽

Political Elite ◽

Opinion Leaders ◽

Local Elections ◽

Parliamentary Elections ◽

Party Building ◽

Regional Features ◽

Electoral Law

The article considers the issue of holding local elections on the example of one of the regions of Ukraine - Poltava region. The research hypothesis is based on the study of the dynamics of party representation in local governments of Poltava region as a central, iconic region to study the evolution of electoral sympathies and features of party building from the standpoint of public administration science. The author conducted a comparative analysis of the electoral preferences of Poltava residents in the local elections in terms of political parties and their dynamics in accordance with the 2015 elections. The development of democratic processes is directly dependent on the mechanisms and procedures for both local and parliamentary elections - the extent to which electoral law allows the majority of voters to understand the wide variety of political parties and candidates, allows opinion leaders to participate in elections. It is pointed out that there is a certain regrouping («political mimicry») of some political parties in the country, as a reestablishment of the «old political elite» and a campaign for local elections in a new composition and with a new name. The article focuses on strengthening the role of regionally influenced political parties in local elections. They allowed the local political elite to be more independent of all-Ukrainian parliamentary parties. Attention is drawn to local political party projects led by charismatic or financially influential politicians. It is noted that the local elections in 2020 continued the positive dynamics of change - from the previous convocation, only a quarter of people entered the Poltava Regional Council, and its membership was renewed by almost 70%. The dominance of the post-Soviet communist and Komsomol elites in the region, which were characterized by exceptional unity, is disappearing, although they retain some of their political electoral influence in the region. It is pointed out the need to further improve the provisions of the Electoral Code where it is necessary to lay down the principle of fairness in the distribution of seats on the main electoral list in accordance with the electoral rating of candidates.

Download Full-text

Consumption of Politic Parties, in the Areas Where the Same Party Has Governed (Strongholds)

Academic Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies ◽

10.5901/ajis.2017.v6n1p155 ◽

2017 ◽

Vol 6 (1) ◽

pp. 155-158

Author(s):

Erindi Bejko

Keyword(s):

Political Parties ◽

Scientific Research ◽

National Election ◽

Local Elections ◽

Political Force ◽

The Past ◽

Election Process ◽

Political Forces ◽

The Future ◽

General Elections

Abstract Political parties in Albania on several occasions during the past two decades have won the election in certain areas over 3 times in a row. While victory and governance of the same area, for sure creates a margin consumption which has affected the dynamics of the bastions at least in the recent national election. Parties are consumed in their strongholds if they decide the same candidates, either as a political force. In the focus of this article, will be the consuming steps of political parties in their stronghold areas, either reflecting the fall results during the election process. Will we have a final rupture in Albania consumption bastions of political parties and how would be the future of dynamic bastion, will be the question of this article scientific research. A fracture would have strongholds in shqipare perfuindimtare the consumption of political parties and how will be the future of dynamics will be bastions of this artikulil question scientific research. Bastion’s consumption occurs mainly from major political forces on the left if either of right on the study will be taken 4 constituencies which voted for the same party in three elections one by one. In our focus will be general elections, not local elections.

Download Full-text

The Accumulation Effect

Nordicom Review ◽

10.1515/nor-2017-0257 ◽

2005 ◽

Vol 26 (2) ◽

pp. 35-52 ◽

Cited By ~ 1

Author(s):

Raivo Palmaru

Keyword(s):

Public Opinion ◽

Political Parties ◽

Local Elections ◽

Political Preferences ◽

Public Opinion Surveys ◽

Accumulation Effect ◽

General Elections ◽

The Media ◽

Election Results ◽

Prevailing View

Abstract Although numerous studies over the past 20 years have revealed a clear connection between content analysis statistics and the results of public opinion surveys, the media’s “minimal effects” hypothesis still remains the overwhelmingly prevailing view. Among other things, it is not clear which of the two influences the other: Do people’s political preferences influence the media or do the media influence people’s preferences? In order to test this, the results of the 1999 and 2003 general elections and the 2002 local elections in Estonia, as well as the results of current public opinion surveys, were compared to the coverage given to the campaigning parties in the largest Estonian newspapers. The analysis showed that the coverage of political parties in the print media, as determined by the frequency of valuative notations, described the election results to a great extent. It is noteworthy that a change in media content was followed by a change in public opinion. At the same time, an accumulation effect became obvious: The voters’ preferences for political parties accumulated diachronically during the course of several weeks based on the information that was available to them.

Download Full-text

RESEARCH ON THE EFFECT OF GOVERNMENT RESPONSIVENESS OF THE CHINESE E-GOVERNMENT—BASED ON THE LOCAL LEADER MESSAGE BOARD (LLMB) DATA OF RENMINWANG WEBSITE

10.12783/dtem/mebit2021/35650 ◽

2021 ◽

Author(s):

RU-MIN LYU ◽

SHU-LIANG ZHAO

Keyword(s):

Value Theory ◽

Lower Probability ◽

Mining Method ◽

Message Board ◽

Government Response ◽

Local Leader ◽

Network Interaction ◽

The Government ◽

Government Responsiveness ◽

Local Leaders

Based on the data collected from the Chinese most authoritative website RenMinWang(人民网, a national website of China official media)’s forum Local Leaders Message Board (LLMB), using logistic regression model, the author analysis 100788 appeal texts on LLMB, covered 30 Chinese provinces. This paper use Big Data and text mining method to analysis the influencing factors of the satisfaction on the interaction between government and netizen. The empirical results show that: the efficiency of government responsiveness significantly improves netizen's satisfaction. In the government response text, the higher the policy complexity is, the lower satisfaction it will get from the netizen. The network interaction between the government and the netizen meets the expectation-value theory. The netizen’s appeal to the Chinese provincial leaders will get a lower satisfaction level of the government’s response, it maybe caused by their appeal’s complexity of solving. Also if the government response text are to long, and if there are more policy and laws, it will get a lower probability of satisfaction.

Download Full-text

The Foreign Policy of Islamist Political Parties

10.3366/edinburgh/9781474426640.001.0001 ◽

2018 ◽

Cited By ~ 1

Keyword(s):

Foreign Policy ◽

Political Parties ◽

International System ◽

Political Islam ◽

Global Politics ◽

International Affairs ◽

Collective Work ◽

Foreign Policies ◽

The Muslim Brotherhood ◽

The Way

Does political Islam have a specific vision of global politics? How has the foreign policy of Islamist forces developed in order to impose their ideas onto the diplomatic agenda of other countries? How do these actors perceive the world, international affairs, and the way Islamic countries should engage with the international system? Eager to break with the dominant grammar of international relations, and instead to fuse Muslim states in a unique religious and political entity, Muslim actors have had to face up to the realities that they had promised to transform. Drawing on a series of case studies, this collective work sheds light on six national trajectories of Islamism: in Morocco (the Party of Justice and Development), Tunisia (Ennhada), Egypt (the Muslim Brotherhood), Palestine (Hamas), Lebanon (Hizbullah) and Turkey (AKP). It looks at what has been produced by the representatives of political Islam in each case, and the way these representatives have put their words and their ideological aspirations into action within their foreign policies.

Download Full-text

Consensus Gained, Consensus Maintained? Changing New Zealand's Electoral Law 1927-2007

10.26686/wgtn.16968745.v1 ◽

2021 ◽

Author(s):

◽

James Christmas

Keyword(s):

New Zealand ◽

Political Parties ◽

Legislative Process ◽

Electoral Rules ◽

Active Search ◽

Self Interest ◽

Electoral Change ◽

Electoral Law ◽

The Way

In the eighty years between the passage of New Zealand's first unified Electoral Act in 1927, and the passage of the Electoral Finance Act 2007, the New Zealand Parliament passed 66 acts that altered or amended New Zealand's electoral law. One central assumption of theories of electoral change is that those in power only change electoral rules strategically, in order to protect their self-interest.1 This thesis is an investigation into the way New Zealand governments effect and have effected their desired changes to the electoral law through the legislative process, and the roles self-interest and the active search for consensus between political parties have played in that process. It argues that, while self-interest serves as a compelling explanation for a great deal of electoral law change in New Zealand, altruistic motivations and the development of parliamentary processes influenced behaviour to an equal, and perhaps even greater, extent.

Download Full-text