scholarly journals Threats To Information Security In The North Caucasus: The Political-Elite Measurement

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ali Salgiriev
Keyword(s):  
Information Security ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
The Political ◽  
North Caucasus ◽  
The North

scholarly journals POLITICAL and LEGAL ACTIVITY of DEPUTIES of the NORTH CAUCASUS IN the STATE DUMA of the RUSSIAN EMPIRE in the EARLY twentieth Century

2020 ◽  
Vol 36 (4) ◽  
pp. 14-18
Author(s):  
M.M. Aybatov ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
Central Government ◽  
The State ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
The Political ◽  
North Caucasus ◽  
Caucasus Region ◽  
The North ◽  
Russian State ◽  
The Government

The article analyzes the political and legal activity of the deputies of the North Caucasus in the early XX century, during the formation and activity of the State Duma. It is noted that the tsarist administration, modernizing the state-political system of the country, could not ignore the multinational and multi-confessional nature of the Russian state and therefore tried to take into account these features of the Russian state-political system. The article concludes that the involvement of regional MPs in political and legal activities of the first legislature (State Duma) at the beginning of the XX century has allowed to bring to the attention of Central government authorities, the main problems of the North Caucasus region and provides a process for the integration of national and regional elites in the Russian political elite to pinpoint the positions of North Caucasian elites in the political space of the Russian state. But many legislative initiatives put forward by the deputies of the North Caucasus did not find support from the government authorities and their decisions were ostponed indefinitely

Traditionalism and politics: A case study of Northern Nigeria

1967 ◽  
Vol 2 (4) ◽  
pp. 509-524 ◽  
Author(s):  
B. J. O. Dudley
Keyword(s):  
Social Change ◽  
Local Government ◽  
Status Quo ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
High Time ◽  
The Political ◽  
Northern Nigeria ◽  
The North ◽  
The Right

In the debate on the Native Authority (Amendment) Law of 1955, the late Premier of the North, Sir Ahmadu Bello, Sardauna of Sokoto, replying to the demand that ‘it is high time in the development of local government systems in this Region that obsolete and undemocratic ways of appointing Emirs’ Councils should close’, commented that ‘the right traditions that we have gone away from are the cutting off of the hands of thieves, and that has caused a lot of thieving in this country. Why should we not be cutting (off) the hands of thieves in order to reduce thieving? That is logical and it is lawful in our tradition and custom here.’ This could be read as a defence against social change, a recrudescence of ‘barbarism’ after the inroads of pax Britannica, and a plea for the retention of the status quo and the entrenched privilege of the political elite.

How Monotony Transforms into Dichotomy

2018 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 115-120
Author(s):  
Sufian Zhemukhov
Keyword(s):  
Current Situation ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Elites ◽  
North Caucasus ◽  
The North ◽  
Political Machine ◽  
North Ossetia

A nuanced reading of the current situation in the North Caucasus reveals two main trends that articulate in confrontation with Russian nationalism. First, in the eastern part of the region, particularly in Dagestan, Chechnya, and Ingushetia, a shift from nationalism to Islam has taken place, and the ties between religion and political machine are strong and visible. Second, and by contrast, in the western part of the region, including Adygea, Kabardino-Balkaria, Karachayevo-Cherkessia, and North Ossetia, nationalism has increased, and the political elites seldom practice religion publicly.

Ideology, Regionalism, Self-Interest and Tradition: An Investigation into Contemporary Politics in Northern Ghana

Africa ◽  
2007 ◽  
Vol 77 (2) ◽  
pp. 180-206 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bob Kelly ◽  
R. B. Bening
Keyword(s):  
Political Identity ◽  
Local Level ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
Northern Ghana ◽  
The Political ◽  
List Type ◽  
The North ◽  
Contemporary Politics ◽  
Self Interest ◽  
Political Traditions

ABSTRACTThis article focuses on three concerns: (1) the historical and contemporary distinctiveness of the ‘north’ from the rest of Ghana; (2) the extent to which the ‘north’ is itself a distinct and united political entity; and (3) the relevance to the area of competing analyses of Ghanaian politics which emphasize: the continuing importance of a distinct ‘northern’ political consciousness;the role of competing Ghanaian political traditions based on ideology and related socio-economic divisions;the growth of conscious ‘self-interest’ on the part of individual voters; andthe continued significance of local loyalties and rivalries, many of which pre-date the arrival of the British to the area in the final decades of the nineteenth century.The article argues that while no monocausal analysis of northern politics is adequate, longstanding internal divisions and rivalries, and distinct local issues, have been highly significant in determining the characteristics of its politics. It further suggests that whilst individual self-interest and ideological and related socio-economic differences have some role in determining the political sympathies and allegiances of members of the political elite, their independent role in determining voting patterns at the local level is limited. Longstanding local divisions and patterns of loyalty may vary in their intensity and impact from time to time, but nevertheless continue to have the potential to shape general political and specific electoral behaviour. Such an analysis is not peculiar to the north, with areas in the south and east also having significant traditional rivalries. It is, however, of particular significance in the north because of its history and the prevalence of common assumptions about the north's having a distinct political identity.Much of this article focuses on evidence gleaned from the 2004 elections, but it must be remembered that there are potentially serious limitations on the value of this source. In the first place it may be that electoral malpractice and various forms of vote rigging provide a distorted picture of what actually took place. While there were certainly attempts to buy votes in constituencies throughout the north, shooting incidents in Bawku and Tamale, and assaults and attempted assaults on election officials in at least three constituencies, the general impression was of a free, fair and credible election. Of more real significance, however, are the implicit features of an election – votes are aggregated so that we do not know the motivation behind individual voters' selections, and indeed each individual may have conflicting pressures and interests which have to be balanced into a single vote. It is certainly the contention here that underlying issues and actual electoral issues are not congruent; it is argued that only in a limited number of areas in the north did the underlying issues dominate the electoral outcome. It is, however, the potential for longstanding local divisions and loyalties to do so that is still significant today – and likely to remain so in the foreseeable future.

scholarly journals The Azerbaijan Democratic Republic and Its Policy Towards the Terek and Dagestan (the Second Half of 1919 – the beginning of 1920)

2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (4) ◽  
pp. 1140-1173
Author(s):  
Arsen M. Kambiev
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Democratic Republic ◽  
Russian Empire ◽  
The Political ◽  
North Caucasus ◽  
The Caucasus ◽  
Complex Issue ◽  
Economic Relations ◽  
The North ◽  
The Russian Empire

The article examines the little-studied and complex issue of relations between the new Caucasian state entities during the collapse of the Russian Empire and the following Civil War. The Revolution of 1917 led to the appearance on the political map of the Caucasus and Transcaucasia of a number of new state entities that fought for the recognition of their sovereignty. However, the political and military chaos in the region hindered both the internal process of consolidation of the self-proclaimed states, the Azerbaijan Democratic Republic and the Mountainous Republic of the North Caucasus in particular, and their entry into the international community. The civil war in Russia and the confrontation between the Red and the White forces instigated even more contradictions. Transcaucasian countries, primarily Azerbaijan and Georgia, support both the insurrectionary movement in the Terek-Dagestan region and the leaders of the overthrown Mountainous Republic who stayed in their territory. However, any attempts to create stable allied military, political and economic relations, undertaken by the leaders of the Azerbaijan Democratic Republic and the Mountainous Republic, were not successful.

scholarly journals The Islamic Factor in the Struggle for the Paths of Dagestan Development in the Conditions of the 1917 Revolution

Islamovedenie ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (3) ◽  
pp. 57-70
Author(s):  
Imanutdin Khabibovich Sulaev ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Political Development ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Law And Order ◽  
North Caucasus ◽  
Active Involvement ◽  
The North ◽  
Political Forces ◽  
Political Scene

The article examines the revolutionary events of 1917 in Dagestan from the standpoint of legal awareness of Muslim public figures and clergy and their participation in the socio-political life of the region. The events had both common for the entire Russia and specific features due to the level of socio-economic and political development of the region and the role of Islam in its society. The article examines how the turbulent revolutionary time brought authoritative Muslim leaders to the political scene. Later, they aspired to develop their own tactics and strategy in order to influence the course of events in Dagestan after the February Revolution of 1917. Each representative of the secular and spiritual intelligentsia had their own attitude to the political forces that emerged during the struggle for the revolutionary democracy. The author notes such a characteristic feature of the revolutionary democracy of 1917 in Dagestan as the active involvement of the Muslim clergy in the new government institutions, their appeal to Islam and Sharia when clarifying and resolving various issues of socio-political importance. It is shown that the most important and discussed issue was the election of the head of the Caucasian Spiritual Board of Muslims from among muftis or imams by the Muslims of Dagestan and the North Caucasus. The healthy socio-political forces of the region aspired to preserve law and order in the region appealing to Sharia and Islam.

From the Struggle for Independence to the Religious Conflict

2022 ◽  
pp. 1-14
Author(s):  
Emilia Alaverdov ◽  
Aytekin Demircioğlu
Keyword(s):  
Social Security ◽  
Criminal Activity ◽  
Religious Conflict ◽  
Religious Fundamentalism ◽  
The Political ◽  
Religious Revival ◽  
North Caucasus ◽  
Political Organizations ◽  
The North ◽  
Acute Form

The chapter deals with the chaotic situation of 1990 when the struggle for independence was intermingled with the religious revival in the acute form of radical Islamism and the process was gradually shifting to the revival and activities of political organizations. At the same time, religion was intertwined with politics and criminal activity. In investigating the conflicts in which Islamic radicals were involved, it was very difficult to distinguish the ideology of religious fundamentalism from criminal activities related to drug and arms business, people trafficking, and kidnapping. Crime, in its turn, was directly in the political and power groups that were closely linked to radicals. Thus, the North Caucasus republic, called Chechnya by Russians, appeared directly in the center of Russia's recent history, threatening its state and social security.

Farewell to the Caucasus: Regional ethnic clan politics and the growing instability of the ruling elite after the 2012 presidential elections in Russia

2013 ◽  
Vol 46 (1) ◽  
pp. 159-166 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marat Grebennikov
Keyword(s):  
Russian Federation ◽  
Political System ◽  
Presidential Elections ◽  
Rent Seeking ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
Political Regime ◽  
Past Century ◽  
North Caucasus ◽  
The North ◽  
Russian Politics

One of the most lingering questions about Russian politics that dominates public discourse and media coverage is the future of political regime after the 2012 presidential elections. The answer to this question is inextricably linked to the extent of differences between President Vladimir Putin and Prime Minister Dmitry Medvedev, how long their “tandemocracy” will last and what can bring about regime change as scarce critics of the Kremlin, from ultra-liberals to communists, have been haphazardly co-opted into the power system, leaving no political ambitions that they would not, in principle, be ready to abandon in return for proper compensation.In sharp contrast to the views of many regional experts and commentators, the presentday Russian Federation is the world’s most anti-Soviet state. It is based upon a very different set of values: private ownership, dire individualism, the cult of money, a clan-based political system, and pervasive corruption at all levels of government. The North Caucasus ethnocratic elites, however, do not have access to abundant resources for sale, and are forced to look around for alternative sustenance, as rigid centralism and unification limit their rent-seeking capabilities. Alexander Khloponin, the incumbent presidential envoy in charge of the North Caucasus Federal District, seems to continue the policy of buying the loyalty of regional archaic clan-based elites that aggravates rather than improves the situation.The paper addresses this puzzle: why, against rigorous rhetoric and demonstration of tight grip over the region, neither Putin nor Medvedev has real power to bring change to the North Caucasus? In an attempt to solve this puzzle, the paper examines the triadic relationship among central political elite, who benefited from the massive privatisation of lucrative segments of Soviet industry in the early 1990s, regional clan-based ethnocracy, and non-systemic religious opposition. Drawing on the works of Russian scholars and experts in Russian politics, the paper explores the hypothesis that on-going instability in the North Caucasus can no longer be explained by a well-known set of theories of ethnic violence, because it is carefully negotiated by regional and central political elite, who do not see the North Caucasus as an indispensable part of the Russian Federation and whose clan-based rent-seeking agendas have gradually driven Russian statehood into a complete dead-end. Instead of facing the real challenges that are addressed in this paper, it is only able to make a public show of action on the eve of crucial political campaigns: the 2012 presidential elections and the 2014 Winter Olympics in Sochi. The paper concludes that the deep freeze in the Russian political system has exhausted its debatable potential for change through the existing tandem model of government with its obscure division of roles between two leaders. What we actually see is an imitation of political reform and the resulting degradation of the entire system of governance. Over the past century, Russian polity has never been as weak as today, because the only legitimate source of power in Russia is corruption.

scholarly journals DAGESTAN REGION BETWEEN THE TWO REVOLUTIONS OF 1917 (BALANCE OF SOCIO-POLITICAL POWERS)

2020 ◽  
Vol 16 (4) ◽  
pp. 952-968
Author(s):  
Leyla B. Salihova ◽  
Burkutbay G. Ayagan
Keyword(s):  
Executive Committee ◽  
The Body ◽  
Religious Communities ◽  
The Political ◽  
North Caucasus ◽  
Difficult Situation ◽  
Political Situation ◽  
The North ◽  
Democratic Principles ◽  
Political Groups

 The article discusses the distribution of socio-political powers in Dagestan region during the period of the February and October revolutions of 1917. The aim of the paper is to examine the process of formation of socio-political groups, to consider their opposition. The February events of 1917 in Petrograd led to the victory of the revolution. In this regard, a difficult situation arose in the Dagestan region: the victory led to a deterioration of the political situation, to demarcation within the opposing political forces. The paper highlights the formation of various political groups and government bodies which replaced tsarism. The study shows that the Provisional Regional Executive Committee and its district and local authorities, Councils of Soldiers and Officers (Workers) Deputies, religious communities, organizations belonging to one or another ethnic group, etc. were organized in the region. The authors point out the organization of the Provisional Regional Executive Committee, which became the body of power of the Provisional Government, to the opposition of the members of the committee itself, to the organization of Union of Allied Mountaineers of the North Caucasus and Dagestan, etc. The fact that representatives of socio-political groups took an active part in congresses and meetings held in the North Caucasus, Dagestan is noted. Analysis of the period under study demonstrates that the political situation in Dagestan was tense, however the struggle of opposing parties was carried out within the democratic principles. It mainly manifested itself in the struggle between the socialist group and representatives of N. Gotsinsky. When writing the paper, the works of domestic researchers was used, among which the works of contemporaries of revolutionary events.

scholarly journals CINEMATOGRAPHY OF THE PEOPLES OF THE NORTH CAUCASUS IN THE 1960s – 1980s: HISTORICAL AND POLITICAL ASPECTS OF DEVELOPMENT .

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
И.Т. ЦОРИЕВА ◽  
I.T. TSORIEVA
Keyword(s):  
Cultural Policy ◽  
The State ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
North Caucasus ◽  
Way Of Life ◽  
The North ◽  
Feature Films ◽  
Television Documentary ◽  
History Of ◽  
The 1960S

В статье на основе воспоминаний современников и архивных источников рассматри- вается история развития кинематографа в республиках Северного Кавказа в 1960-е — 1980-е гг. Подчеркивается, что создание телевизионного документального и игрового кино в регионе во многом было результатом национальной культурной политики. Вместе с тем, отмечается существенное влияние на становление киноискусства практики культурно- го патернализма, получившей распространение в среде местной политической элиты в изучаемый период, и значительный вклад руководителя Гостелерадио Северо-Осетинской АССР А. Т. Агузарова в создание региональной базы кинопроизводства на Северном Кавка- зе. Региональное киноискусство развивалось в рамках государственной программы «соци- ального заказа». Деятели кино решали конкретные задачи пропаганды советского образа жизни, воспитания людей в духе преданности социалистическим идеалам, патриотизма и интернационализма. Необходимость соблюдения идеологических, цензурных требований существенно ограничивала свободу творческого поиска, нередко приводила к схематизму, плакатности сюжетов и образов. Но в целом транслируемые северокавказским кинемато- графом гуманистические идеалы добра, справедливости, мирного сосуществования наро- дов перекликались с настроениями большинства многонационального населения региона и находили отклик в сердцах обычных людей. The article on the basis of the memories of the contemporaries and the archival data considers the history of the development of cinematography in the North Caucasus’ republics in the 1960s — 1980s. It highlights, that the creation of television documentary and feature films production in the region was largely a result of the national cultural policy. The practice of cultural paternalism common among political elite in the reviewed period had an essential impact on the development of cinematography, also of great significance was contribution of A. T. Aguzarov, then head of the State television and radio of North Ossetian ASSR, to the formation of a regional base of filmmaking in the North Caucasus. The regional film art was developed within the frame of the state program of «social request». Cinematography proponents solved definite tasks for propaganda of the Soviet way of life, of upbringing in the spirit of devotion to socialist ideals, patriotism and internationalism. The need to comply with ideological, censorial demands substantially limited the freedom of creative search, often led to schematism, «posterism» of subjects and images. However in general the humanistic ideas of goodness, fairness, peaceful coexistence of the peoples, transmitted by North Caucasian cinematography, resonated with the moods of the majority of the region’ multinational population and responded in the hearts of ordinary people.

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