scholarly journals Islamisme dan Politisasi Agama Model PKS dalam Pilpres 2009

2014 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 61
Author(s):  
Akh. Muzakki

In the past decade or so, Islamism as a political concept and perhaps as an ideology has gained strong momentum in Indonesia. The fall of Soeharto after more than three decades in power has helped this ideology to emerge and exert itself particularly in the form of religion oriented political party. This paper is interested in exploring the expression and actualization of Islamism by scrutinizing the political behavior of Justice and Welfare Party (Partai Keadilan Sejahtera / PKS) during the 2009 presidential election. We are particularly interested in looking at the use of religious symbols and rites by the party for clear political purposes. We argue that Islamism has been manipulated by PKS during that election as a vehicle to gain power. Hence, the main problem that this paper deals with is actually the idea of the politization of religion by a political party claiming to have represented Islam and its noble teaching.

Author(s):  
Piero Ignazi

Chapter 1 introduces the long and difficult process of the theoretical legitimation of the political party as such. The analysis of the meaning and acceptance of ‘parties’ as tools of expressing contrasting visions moves forward from ancient Greece and Rome where (democratic) politics had first become a matter of speculation and practice, and ends up with the first cautious acceptance of parties by eighteenth-century British thinkers. The chapter explores how parties or factions have been constantly considered tools of division of the ‘common wealth’ and the ‘good society’. The holist and monist vision of a harmonious and compounded society, stigmatized parties and factions as an ultimate danger for the political community. Only when a new way of thinking, that is liberalism, emerged, was room for the acceptance of parties set.


2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 33-48
Author(s):  
Riki Ronaldo ◽  
Darmaiza Darmaiza

This study aims to describe the politicization of religious symbols in online media in the decide of presidential and vice presidential candidates in Indonesian election 2019. This study is a descriptive qualitative research with data collection through study document to online media news. This study found that there are two religious symbols that are massively used in determining the presidential and vice presidential candidates for the 2019 election, namely Muslim identity and religious identity. The contested 2019 presidential and vice presidential candidates are the result of the tug-of-war between religious symbols used in the early stages of the 2019 presidential election. At this stage, Muslim identity becomes an offer that is transacted in the determination of the presidential and vice presidential candidates. Likewise with ulama and a number of religious organizations. A series of religious ceremonies such as ijtihad and ijtima is also used as a legitimating medium to raise contestants for the 2019 Presidential Election. Interestingly, the results of ijtihad and ijtima are not static and standard, but dynamic and can change according to the political situation that occurs. This in turn has led to the strengthening of hate politics.


2016 ◽  
Vol 13 (4) ◽  
pp. 868
Author(s):  
Suryo Gilang Romadlon

Coalition can be the effective way to collect the power for struggle in the competitive politics. In Indonesia, after the reform era, the coalition system being the most popular system that granted by the constitution. Phrase ”coalition of political parties” in the article number 6A point (2) UUD 1945 shows us that the coalition system is the constitutional and the fix way. From all the historical story about the coalition of political parties in Indonesia, we can make a conclusion that the coalition system wich is exist in Indonesia is just coalition made by interest, not ideology. Coalition only to reach the “threshold”. Political parties only thinking about how to complete the mission to propose the candidate. Surely, That’s all the problem. We can see that the coalition system in Indonesia just make some paradox. For example, in presidential election 2014, in one hand we can see the batle between “KMP” and “KIH”, but in the other hand, we cand find a different situation in local politic competition. On 9 December 2015, The simultaneous regional election was completed held, and I saw that the battle between KMP and KIH wasn’t happened in that moment. Based on the fact from KPU, we can find in some region, the inconsistence coalition was built by the political parties which is member of KMP join with member of KIH. That condition shows us that the coalition system in Indonesia is just based on interest. There is no linear/consistence coalition between central and local, so automatically we can find a question, “where is the platform, vision and mission of political party in Indonesia? And How about the impact to the bureaucratic system between central and local government?. Finally, The Author is trying to answer the questions in this paper.


Author(s):  
Philippe Theophanidis

I propose to trace the dialogical path of Antonio Gramsci’s concept of ‘interregnum’ briefly mentioned in one of his prison notebooks which was rediscovered in recent years and used in various political writings. I will first examine the meaning of the concept of interregnum in the context of Roman law, where it originates. Second, I’ll show how the Italian writer used it in a two-page note included in his Quaderni del carcere to describe the political crisis of our times. I will also briefly sketch the renewal of the idea of interregnum from the 1980s onward, when a specific quote from Gramsci’s note was used to frame various political crises, from South African apartheid to the civil war in Syria, all the way to the rise of a new far right ideology. In the third and main section, I’ll explore in more detail how, in the past five years, Keith Tester, Zygmunt Bauman, and Étienne Balibar all explicitly engage with the idea of interregnum in an open dialogue. While referencing one another, they used Gramsci’s interpretation of the concept in an effort to understand and address the contemporary problem of political synthesis. In the fourth part, and in the spirit of keeping discussion open, I will raise some issues regarding the various paths proposed by Bauman and Balibar to find our way ‘out of the interregnum.


2016 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 97
Author(s):  
Jaseb Nikfar

The political parties were formed in Iran following western countries, after the constitutional revolution and second parliament in 1909, and since then they have witnessed rise and falls. The analytical study and an accurate knowledge of the main movements forming the political parties of the last century that is essential for the development of a democratic society in Iranian society. Based on an analytical and accurate study, from the very beginning of political party formation to the present, three forces are distinguishable in Iranian Society and the partial activities during the past 100 years can be framed in three movements:<br /> The Religious Movement, the National Movement, and the Left Movement to be the major causes for political party formation in Iran in the last century. In this article, the author has tried to explain these major movements and political parties that emerged from these movements using the library sources.


1992 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 123-145
Author(s):  
Sheldon Maram

Brazilian specialists have long recognised the importance of the 1960 presidential elections, which set in motion a process that culminated in a 21—year military dictatorship. Only in 1989 did Brazilians witness once again the direct election of a president. Nonetheless, scholarly literature on this event is sparse and often tends toward the ahistorical view that the election of Jânio Quadros in 1960 was part of an inexorable process. Almost entirely ignored are the reasons why Brazil's largest political party, the Partido Social Democrático or PSD, nominated for president a weak candidate, Marshal of the Brazilian Army Henrique Teixeira Lott.1Clearly, Lott himself was not part of a praetorian guard that imposed his candidacy. Indeed, the Marshal was a reluctant candidate, who offered to withdraw in October 1959 in favour of a ‘national unity candidate’.2 In my view Lott's nomination had much more to do with a complex series of manoeuvres carried out by Brazil's president Juscelino Kubitschek (1956–61) than with his own actions. For Kubitschek, the political parties and presidential aspirants in 1960 were merely pawns in his highly personalistic vision of the political process. Constitutionally barred from seeking immediate re—election, Kubitschek initially manoeuvred to induce his party, the PSD, not to run its own presidential candidate. When this effort failed, he displayed, at the very least, ambivalence regarding the fate of the party's candidate.An analysis of Kubitschek's actions and motivations presents methodological challenges to the historian. Historians traditionally rely heavily on written documentation to support their analysis of actions and motivations.


2016 ◽  
Vol 53 (2) ◽  
pp. 233-249 ◽  
Author(s):  
WooJin Kang

The main goal of this study is to examine the political influence of Park Chung Hee (PCH) nostalgia on citizens’ support for Park Guen-hye (PGH) in the 2012 Korean presidential election. The 2012 presidential election offers a rare opportunity to test the political influence of PCH nostalgia on citizens’ electoral choices. To do so, this study analyzes dual aspects of PCH nostalgia and its influence on voters choosing PGH in the 2012 presidential election: voter preference for PGH, and voter identification with developmentalism, the PCH government’s dominant ideology. The findings of this study confirm that both aspects of PCH nostalgia significantly influenced citizens who chose to support Park Chung Hee’s daughter. These findings also have comparative implications, relevant to similar political situations in other emergent democracies.


2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (22) ◽  
pp. 276-293
Author(s):  
Indra Fauzan ◽  
Zakaria Zakaria

The political culture of the community can be seen from the symbols that are used and the actions of the community. The purpose of this study is to describe the Political Culture of the Birmingham Owner Motorcycle Siantar (BOM'S) Community, which accommodates the owners of Birmingham Small Arm (BSA) motorbikes and Siantar’s Pedicabs using Birmingham Small Arm (BSA) motorbikes in the 2018 Sumatra Utara Governor’s Election and the 2019 Presidential Election. The research method uses a qualitative approach with descriptive type, the research location is in Pematangsiantar City. The research informants use in this study is a purposive technique, that is the key informants of the Komisi Pemilihan Umum Daerah (KPUD) of Pematangsiantar City, Badan Pengawas Pemilihan Umum (BAWASLU) of Pematangsiantar City. The main informants are the President, the administrators, and members of the Pematangsiantar City BSA/Birmingham Small Arm Owner Motorcycle (BOM'S) community. Additional informants are political party administrators, namely Partai Indonesia Perjuangan (PDI-P), Partai Demokrat, Partai Amanat Nasional (PAN) of Pematangsiantar City who knowns the political culture and voter’s behavior of the BSA/Birmingham Small Arm Owner Motorcycle (BOM'S) community in Pematangsiantar City during the Governor’s Election and Deputy Governor of Sumatera Utara in 2018 and the Election of Indonesian President and Vice President in 2019. The results Political Culture of the Birmingham Owner Motorcycle Siantar (BOM'S) Community is participant political culture. The Political Culture of the Participants is inseparable from the history of the establishment of the Birmingham Owner Motorcycle Siantar (BOM'S) community which aims to make the Siantar pedicab (Becak) a cultural heritage object and a tourist vehicle in Pematangsiantar City like "TukTuk" in Thailand and “Jeepney” in the Philippines.


2018 ◽  
Vol 46 (1) ◽  
pp. 230-246 ◽  
Author(s):  
Patrick Clark ◽  
Jacobo García

After Rafael Correa’s 2006 presidential election in Ecuador the governing party of Correa’s Citizens’ Revolution, Alianza PAIS, consolidated political power by undertaking an unprecedented process of state building in the country’s chronically fragmented polity. An analysis of the political and economic strategies it employed emphasizes their mutually reinforcing dynamic. The Alianza PAIS was a “big-tent” party with a vanguard of figures from the traditional political left that relied on brokerage with traditional political bosses at the regional and local levels to achieve political party nationalization. The Correa government was able to consolidate political power because it upheld its initial electoral commitment to abandon orthodox neoliberalism, rebuild the state, and advance social citizenship. The division between Correa and Lenín Moreno after the April 2017 elections and the subsequent implosion of Alianza PAIS put the legacy of the Citizens’ Revolution at risk. Después de la elección de Rafael Correa como presidente de Ecuador en 2006, Alianza PAIS, el partido gobernante de su Revolución Ciudadana, consolidó el poder político emprendiendo un proceso sin precedentes de construcción del estado en el sistema político crónicamente fragmentado. Un análisis de las estrategias políticas y económicas que empleó enfatiza su dinámica de refuerzo mutuo. La Alianza PAIS era un partido de “gran carpa” con una vanguardia de figuras de la izquierda política tradicional que dependía de la intermediación con jefes políticos tradicionales a nivel regional y local para lograr la nacionalización del partido político. El gobierno de Correa pudo consolidar el poder político porque cumplió su compromiso electoral inicial de abandonar el neoliberalismo ortodoxo, reconstruir el estado y avanzar en la ciudadanía social. La división entre Correa y Lenín Moreno después de las elecciones de abril de 2017 y la posterior implosión de Alianza PAIS ponen en tela de juicio el legado de la Revolución Ciudadana.


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