scholarly journals Patriotism and Friendship of Peoples as the Basic Determinants of the Russian Civilization

Author(s):  
Richard Danakari

Introduction. The article examines the nature and essence of patriotism and friendship of peoples, their crucial role for the life of the Russian Federation. Over the past decades, radical changes have taken place in the political system of Russia, its social and ethnic structure, and a heterogeneous ethno-confessional society has been formed. The author shows that patriotism and friendship of peoples are the most important determinants, specific properties necessary for the integration of our multinational federation ensuring order and stability in the country, its sustainable and dynamic development, the gradual formation of new supra-ethnic and supra-confessional values, and general cultural identity. Methods. The combination of applying methods and approaches is the key to studying the theory and practice of patriotism, recognizing its procedural nature, unity and opposition in the activities of the state and society, the interests of the government, political parties and social groups. The use of the polyparadigmatic methodology in studying the nature and essence of patriotism, in particular, the activity and civilizational approaches, the synergetic method, dialectic categories made it possible to determine the complexity and continuity of the formation of patriotism and patriotic work, to reveal dynamism and conflict, general and special features in them. Analysis. Studying the real state of Russian society points to the weakness of systemic activities of patriotic education, preserving and strengthening the unity and friendship between nations. The lack of a common goal problematizes the search for a common patriotic idea, new foundations for Russian civilization, the common existence of nations, the construction of a welfare state and a harmonious society. Results. The article reveals inadequacy of the declared ideas of patriotism and friendship of peoples to the policy and practice of implementing neoliberal values and the priority of individualism. The author shows that the process of further fragmentation and stratification, alienation and separation of people according to racial, national, ethnic, cultural, religious, confessional, generational, professional and other characteristics continues in society. The transition of already atomized individuals from the ethnic mentality and national behavioral stereotypes to a single patriotic goal – the all-Russian identity – is formal. Today, the activity on the formation of patriotism and patriotic attitudes of consciousness does not affect the deep, essential foundations of society, is of a festival and manipulative nature, and in many respects concerns only the military sphere, tourism and sports. The notes mentioned create significant difficulties in understanding the idea of the common welfare, genuine and false in patriotism, the definition of objective interests of the state, authority and society, social groups and individual elites. Modern globalization inevitably involves taking into account the national interests of Russia, the search for optimal forms of interconnection of civilizational and universal principles.

1974 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 231-244 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jan Pettman

Zambia inherited a system of government and administration in 1964 which was ill-suited to the tasks of political development to which her new leaders were dedicated. What little national unity and mobilisation had been achieved in the independence struggle declined with the removal of the common enemy. The Government rested on a fragile base, without the support of agreed rules and practices to limit and contain conflict, and without adequate instruments available for the implementation of its policies. So the search began for a more suitable political system, which could cope with the new needs of independence, and provide for the stability of the state and the survival of the Government.


2015 ◽  
Vol 36 (1) ◽  
pp. 21-41
Author(s):  
William J. Novak ◽  
Stephen W. Sawyer ◽  
James T. Sparrow

Pierre Bourdieu began his posthumously published lectures “On the State” by highlighting the three dominant traditions that have framed most thinking about the state in Western social science and modern social theory. On the one hand, he highlighted what he termed the “initial definition” of the state as a “neutral site” designed to regulate conflict and “serve the common good.” Bourdieu traced this essentially classical liberal conception of the state back to the pioneering political treatises of Thomas Hobbes and John Locke.1 In direct response to this “optimistic functionalism,” Bourdieu noted the rise of a critical and more “pessimistic” alternative—something of a diametric opposite.


2021 ◽  
pp. 125-133
Author(s):  
A. V. Yaschenko

The article attempts to assess the results of the development of the Russian economy from the moment of privatization to the present. The urgency of the problem lies in the fact that, despite significant resources, including human capital, the economy is stagnating, there are no structural reforms, and high-tech companies do not appear. The main thing is not creating conditions for business development on the principles of self-organization: entrepreneurship, initiative, personal competence and investment. Reforming the socio-economic system of the USSR has no historical analogue, and is perceived as a unique practice of testing some theoretical positions and hypotheses that guided researchers and entrepreneurs in the framework of a market economy, for example, the theory of market equilibrium, theory of the firm, theory of preferences, and others. Russia has demonstrated a kind of phenomenon, both from the point of view of theory and practice of market transformations, when it is not entrepreneurship, not the investment activity of business and the population, but the narrowly selfish interests of persons affiliated with the government, began to determine market processes, such an economy was called the «economy of individuals», And in the case of a direct focus on the state budget,» the economy of the distribution». The transformations could be based on the market experience of a large number of countries, both developed and developing (China), this has not been done. Time was lost on the creation of new jobs; in the industrial orientation of the state, there were no priorities for the development of important industries for national competitiveness. As a result, the economic growth was lost.


Author(s):  
O.A. Kolotkina ◽  

The article deals with the issues related to the definition of the essence, role and meaning of legal definitions in the regulatory legal regulation of national security. The author emphasizes the uniqueness of the phenomenon of national security, which acts as a guarantor of ensuring the national interests of the state, society, and the individual and as a basis for the unhindered implementation of the strategic national priorities of the state. It is possible to ensure these interests and implement strategic priorities by creating an effective legal regulation that includes various legal means, as well as regulatory requirements. An important role in the regulatory legal regulation is played by legal definitions, which contain definitions of concepts that act as integral elements of the legal basis for ensuring national security. It is indicated that legal definitions of concepts are generally binding and contribute to the formation of a single legal space. It is stated that the current Federal Law «On Security» does not contain a legislative definition of key concepts in the field of national security. The article raises the problem of unification of the conceptual and categorical apparatus in the field of ensuring national security, through the adoption of fundamental documents of strategic planning. The author attempts to evaluate the legal definitions in the field under consideration in terms of their universality and industry affiliation, the problems of the completeness of their textual expression, as well as the state policy implemented in the field of national security. The author proposes the formulation of the concept «national security», which could become the basis for adjusting the legal definitions of certain types of national security, enshrined in legislative acts and strategic planning documents. The functions of legal definitions in the regulatory legal regulation of national security are identified and disclosed.


2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (4) ◽  
pp. 388-394
Author(s):  
Viktoriia Hmyria ◽  
Volodymyr Kucherenko

The purpose of this article is to study theoretical approaches to definition of economic essence and directions of economic security formation of agricultural enterprises at the region. Analysis of the theoretical aspects of the research object showed that currently there are different approaches to the economic security interpretation. It is considered as a process of meeting public needs, protection of the state national interests, the economic stability, the state of the national economy, in which the country provides its own sovereignty, a state of protection against a certain type of threats. Certain realities of a market economy require fundamentally new approaches to the formation and increase of efficiency of agrarian enterprises functioning, and thus ensure their economic security. In the context of the latest scientific dimensions, it has been found out that the economic security of agricultural enterprises is a complex of sophisticated branched processes, methods, tools, levers of influence on activity for the purpose of increasing the economic activity efficiency of entities. In this regard, there are many different opinions regarding the components of enterprises economic security. It is proved that the economic security of enterprises is characterized by certain features in the regional context of their formation and application to agricultural production. The proposed model Forsythe technology modernization of a regional mechanism of economic security at agricultural enterprises will allow to determine more efficiently the volume of investments, tax burden on the industry and crediting enterprises, depreciation deductions etc., which will effectively affect the activity of the enterprise, and hence ensure its basic – economic security. Keywords: economic security, agricultural enterprises, natural conditions, fixed assets, information security, financial security.


Author(s):  
William M. Lewis

English is a subtle language with many words that offer fine shades of meaning, but it also can be blunt and unequivocal. Dictionaries were not made for words such as hairdo, ballpark, or pigpen. The law, however, as practiced by Americans, can mutate the meaning of even the humblest word. If the law concerns itself with pigpens, then we must know whether a pigpen still exists when the pigs are removed and, if so, for how long. We must know if a pen originally built for cattle can become a pigpen if occupied by pigs and if pigpens are the same in all parts of the nation. In short, we must have federal guidance, regional interpretations, legal specialists, and technical authorities on pigpens. So it is with wetlands. The chapters of this book will show how troublesome the definition of wetlands has become since the federal government began regulating them. In the meantime, it will suffice to define wetlands informally as those portions of a landscape that are not permanently inundated under deep water, but are still too wet most years to be used for the cultivation of upland crops such as corn or soybeans. Wetlands, in other words, coincide pretty well with the common conception of swamps, marshes, and bogs. Government has had its hand in wetlands for about 150 years. Between the 1850s and 1970s, the federal government was intent on eliminating wetlands. Since then, it has been equally intent on preserving them. An individual who behaved in this manner would seem at least irresponsible. Many critics of federal wetland policy have in fact given the government a sound thrashing for its inconsistency, but the shift from elimination to protection of wetlands has continued nevertheless. Blaming government is the duty of a free people, and also good sport. Even so, the obvious truth about wetland regulation is that government has merely reflected a change in public attitude toward wetlands. Most Americans now believe that wetlands should be saved throughout the nation, except possibly on their own property. Americans did not always feel this way. Most European colonists of North America came from homelands that were essentially tame.


2019 ◽  
pp. 75-90
Author(s):  
Henk Addink

The concept of the rule of law has different—common law and continental—historical roots and traditional perspectives. The common law tradition is more focused on limiting the powers of the state, whereas the continental tradition focuses on not just to limit but also to empower the government. But both systems have a focus on the rule of law. The rule of law in the classical liberal tradition is based on four elements: legality, division and balance of powers, independent judicial control, and protection of fundamental rights. The differences between rule of law and rechtsstaat are: different concepts of the state, mixed legal systems and different approaches of a constitution, and different perspectives on human rights. There are two levels of development: a model in which law is a way of structuring and restricting the power of the state, the second level is more subjective and has important individual positions. The concept of good governance related to these developments makes clear the need to broaden the concept of the rule of law.


2013 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 47
Author(s):  
Neil Reddekopp

n this paper, I discuss the Government of Alberta’s policy and practice regarding consultation with Aboriginal Albertans regarding resource development, particularly the issuance to third parties of Crown dispositions that may have an impact on Aboriginal or treaty rights. My review of this subject matter is grouped around three conclusions, which are at first glance inconsistent. First, I argue that Alberta’s policy statements and the guidelines that it has issued to implement these fall far short of fulfilling—or even acknowledging in any meaningful way—the Province’s constitutional obligation to consult with Aboriginal Albertans and accommodate the latters’ concerns regarding resource development. However, in keeping with the distinction between theory and practice recognized by Warren Buffett and Yogi Berra, I concede that for reasons that are not reflective of any inherent merit in Alberta’s approach, the development and management of resource development appears to operate smoothly and efficiently, without any serious legal challenges or significant delays in the process. Finally, I suggest that the current practical success of Alberta’s approach is artificial and likely time-limited, and that without a more sincere Crown effort to fulfill its constitutional obligations the future of orderly development of natural resources is unlikely.


1982 ◽  
Vol 39 (2) ◽  
pp. 153-166 ◽  
Author(s):  
Donald Fithian Stevens

In the struggle sustained from time immemorial by the people with the haciendas, I shall be on the side of the people, once I obtain power.— Porfirio Díaz, 1876Given the importance of rural unrest in the destabilizing of Porfirian Mexico, it seems at least ironic to find these words attributed to Díaz during his Tuxtepec revolt. And, given the attention paid to the repressive elements of the Díaz dictatorship, one might easily argue that Díaz never intended to fulfill that promise, vague though it may be. A number of works seem to blame Díaz personally for the land problem which lead to his overthrow. Others maintain that Díaz remained aloof and was isolated from the common people; but by far the greatest number of works employ such amorphous or monolithic concepts as the “State,” the “Díaz regime,” “porjirismo,” or simply “the government” and focus exclusively on evidence of repression in Porfirian Mexico. Repression has attracted attention in part because it has been important in explaining dissatisfaction which lead to the Revolution of 1910 and in part because violence attracted a great deal of attention from contemporaries. This interest provides historians with more accessible sources while evidence of a more conciliatory attitude has remained hidden in the collection of Porfirio Díaz's presidential papers.


Author(s):  
S. Motyka

The image of the Armed Forces of Ukraine is a complex and multifaceted socio-psychological and political phenomenon. A professionallycreated image functions as the most adequate informational object, creating public affection and recognition assuring the adequate perception of the Armed Forces as the power institution of the state. Thus, there's a relevant national challenge to form the positive image of the Armed Forces of Ukraine, and the numerous and versatile definitions of the term "image", the existence of a great number of approaches aimed at interpreting this definition, prove the multilateral aspects, the multidimensional categories and the significant scientific interest to this particular challenge.The Armed Forces of Ukraine is one of the most important elements of the political system of both state and society. In accordance with the Law of Ukraine "On the Armed Forces of Ukraine", the purpose of their existence is the protection of national interests, territorial integrity and inviolability of state borders. Considering the current state of development of the Ukrainian society, the state and its Armed Forces which is determined by the permanent increase of importance of the spiritual component, the issues of patriotic education and forming the image of the Armed Forces, are becoming the top state priority.The realities of modern life determine the objective necessity to develop a clear concept and the generic PR-strategy of the informativecommunication policy of the Armed Forces at a national level, with the aim to establish their positive image, based on the scientific approach and prominent world experience, yet taking into account the modern Ukrainian realities.The international experience has a variety of examples when the implementation of image technologies happens to play a significant role in solving a number of internal state developing tasks, namely: harmonizing the military-civil relations; increasing the level of the military-patriotic education and the general awareness of society in terms of task and activity of the Armed Forces, establishing firmness and sustainability of the moral-psychological state of the subordinated personnel, reinforcing military discipline etc.The information on the Armed Forces of Ukraine is to reflect the actual state of affairs. It is the irrelavance and the disproportion of theinformational material about the Armed Forces of Ukraine and the realities of life that has promoted the lack of trust in the course of the years of Independence, not only to the military command in particular, but to the state authorities as a whole.The article presents an analysis of the relevance of forming the image of the Armed Forces of Ukraine.


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