scholarly journals Terrorism as war by other means: national security and state support for terrorism

2011 ◽  
Vol 54 (1) ◽  
pp. 125-141 ◽  
Author(s):  
Faruk Ekmekci

The conventional approach in the discipline of International Relations is to treat terrorist organizations as "non-state" actors of international relations. However, this approach is problematic due to the fact that most terrorist organizations are backed or exploited by some states. In this article, I take issue with the non-stateness of terrorist organizations and seek to answer the question of why so many states, at times, support terrorist organizations. I argue that in the face of rising threats to national security in an age of devastating wars, modern nation states tend to provide support to foreign terrorist organizations that work against their present and imminent enemies. I elaborate on my argument studying three cases of state support for terrorism: Iranian support for Hamas, Syrian support for the PKK, and American support for the MEK. The analyses suggest that, for many states, terror is nothing but war by other means.

2021 ◽  
pp. 89-113
Author(s):  
Marcin Frenkel

The article analyzes contemporary cooperation of Polish and American cities. Thus, it contributes to the research on the participation of non-state actors in the international relations. Currently, only 10 Polish cities conduct active cooperation with partners from the USA. These relationships focus on cooperation on issues such as culture, art, science and business. In most cases, these contacts were initiated by the Polish side, and they were based primarily on direct interpersonal contacts. Most partnership agreements were signed in the 1990s and resulted from the collapse of the Soviet block and deep political changes in Poland. Currently, the main obstacles to the intensification of these local governments transatlantic relations is a weak American involvement, geographic distance and a lack of state support.


2017 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Indah Pangestu Amaritasari

AbstractThis article discusses global issues and its relation with national security. Global contemporary issues—drugs, migration, living environment, population, global economy challenges, liberal democracy crisis, fusion and division, small arms production—are issues that emerged as new security threats that transformed since the end of the Cold War. Security threats are no longer in form of “military attacks” that one country does to another, but are acts of crime that are performed by non-state actors and are aimed at state actors, individuals or citizens that ultimately threaten human security. Human security is a new term in response of threats from global contemporary issues. This article concludes that national security in the context of global contemporary issues in an international relations perspective is a complex issue. This is explained in the transnational theory in international relations. United Nations have reassessed the concept of national security which then noted about human security.Keywords: International relations, human security, national security AbstrakArtikel ini membahas tentang isu-isu global dan kaitannya dengan ancaman terhadap keamanan nasional. Isu-isu global kontemporer—obat-obatan (drugs), migrasi, lingkungan hidup, populasi, tantangan ekonomi global, krisis demokrasi liberal, fusi dan pembelahan, produksi senjata ringan—merupakan isu yang lahir sebagai bentuk baru ancaman keamanan yang mengalami transformasi sejak berakhirnya Perang Dingin. Ancaman dalam bentuk baru bukan lagi berupa “serangan militer” yang dilakukan oleh suatu negara terhadap negara lain, tetapi tindakan kejahatan yang dilakukan oleh aktor non-negara (non-state actor) dan ditujukan kepada negara (state actor), individu atau warga negara yang mengancam keamanan umat manusia (human security). Isu keamanan manusia (human security) merupakan istilah baru dalam merespon ancaman dari perkembangan isu global kontemporer. Dalam artikel ini disimpulkan bahwa keamanan nasional dalam konteks isu global kontemporer pada prespektif hubungan internasional adalah hal yang kompleks. Hal ini kemudian dijelaskan dalam teori transnasional dalam hubungan internasional. PBB kemudian memberikan tawaran untuk mengkonseptualisasi kembali pengertian keamanan nasional yang pada akhirnya memberikan masukan mengenai keamanan kemanusia (human security).Kata kunci: Hubungan Internasional, ancaman, human security, keamanan nasional


Author(s):  
Flavia Zappa Leccisotti ◽  
Raoul Chiesa ◽  
Niccolo De Scalzi ◽  
Leopoldo Gudas ◽  
Daniele De Nicolo

The ICT technology is even more central in modern society. Every relevant sectors of Western economies depend on ICT technology, from Energy Infrastructure to banking and finance, from TLC infrastructure to government administration. Throughout history, terrorist organizations have demonstrated capacity to adapt and evolve in order to further their ideological and political goals. Cyber Terrorism is increasingly becoming a top five national security priority for Nation States. The purpose of this chapter is to evaluate the threat Cyber Terrorism poses to the stability of the international community. It will explore the concept of Cyber Terrorism, its interpretations and terminology. This chapter seeks to identify potential attacks made possible through IT and ICT technologies (like SCADA and Industrial Automation, while it includes those ICT standards used in the field of Transport, Automotive, and Social Networks as well) and to classify all the possible actors, needed skills and relevant goals, thanks to the currently available public documentation and relevant case studies.


2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 499-507
Author(s):  
Hosea Olayiwola Patrick ◽  
Ernest Nene Khalema ◽  
Rhoda Titilopemi Inioluwa Abiolu ◽  
George Mbara

Purpose of the study: The study's rationale is tied to examining the viability of global collective security within a continuously changing arena of national interest of actors. It assesses the basis for global actors' policy responses and actions in the fight against the novel coronavirus (Covid-19). Methodology: The study uses a secondary data scoping review technique focusing on collective security, national interest, and Covid -19 as the central themes. It utilizes the tenents of human nature, cooperation, and systemic considerations espoused in game theory’s stag hunt analysis and Maslow’s hierarchy of needs to explore the rationale for state actions in the global arena. Main findings: The paper confirms that while collective security is essential for global security, its efficacy is dependent on its alignment with states' national interests. Drawing from case observation of global superpowers' responses to Covid-19, the paper argues that the global and 'borderless' impact of Covid-19 serves to buttress the assertion that the integrity of collective security is a function of national interest alignment. In essence, collective security is only 'collective' and effective when state actors' national interests are directly aligned to the pursuance of such security objective(s). The paper concludes that the fight against the Covid-19 pandemic could only be won if global actors shun the narrow gains of national interest and focus on the survival of all through collective policy efforts. Application: The study is relevant as it adds to the body of knowledge and analysis for geopolitics and international relations. It is also a useful prototype in theory testing and analysis within politics and international relations subfields. It is also relevant in the discourse of global public health and human security. Novelty: The need to assess the methodology and need for collective action in the face of global threats is imperative. Thus, the study serves as an eye-opener and acknowledgment of the declining status of collective security in the face of national interest despite the clamor pre- and post-United nations formation and aim for world peace. Therefore, the global and 'borderless' impact of Covid-19 serves to buttress the assertion that the integrity of collective security is a function of national interest alignment. In essence, collective security is only 'collective' and effective when state actors' national interests are directly in agreement with the pursuance of such security objective(s).


2016 ◽  
pp. 493-520
Author(s):  
Flavia Zappa Leccisotti ◽  
Raoul Chiesa ◽  
Niccolo De Scalzi ◽  
Leopoldo Gudas ◽  
Daniele De Nicolo

The ICT technology is even more central in modern society. Every relevant sectors of Western economies depend on ICT technology, from Energy Infrastructure to banking and finance, from TLC infrastructure to government administration. Throughout history, terrorist organizations have demonstrated capacity to adapt and evolve in order to further their ideological and political goals. Cyber Terrorism is increasingly becoming a top five national security priority for Nation States. The purpose of this chapter is to evaluate the threat Cyber Terrorism poses to the stability of the international community. It will explore the concept of Cyber Terrorism, its interpretations and terminology. This chapter seeks to identify potential attacks made possible through IT and ICT technologies (like SCADA and Industrial Automation, while it includes those ICT standards used in the field of Transport, Automotive, and Social Networks as well) and to classify all the possible actors, needed skills and relevant goals, thanks to the currently available public documentation and relevant case studies.


2013 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-37 ◽  
Author(s):  
Johan Sigholm

Abstract The growing importance of cyberspace to modern society, and its increasing use as an arena for dispute, is becoming a national security concern for governments and armed forces globally. The special characteristics of cyberspace, such as its asymmetric nature, the lack of attribution, the low cost of entry, the legal ambiguity, and its role as an efficient medium for protest, crime, espionage and military aggression, makes it an attractive domain for nation-states as well as non-state actors in cyber conflict. This paper studies the various non-state actors who coexist in cyberspace, examines their motives and incitements, and analyzes how and when their objectives coincide with those of nation-states. Literature suggests that many nations are currently pursuing cyberwarfare capabilities, oftentimes by leveraging criminal organizations and irregular forces. Employment of such non-state actors as hacktivists, patriot hackers, and cybermilitia in state-on-state cyberspace operations has also proved to be a usable model for conducting cyberattacks. The paper concludes that cyberspace is emerging as a new tool for state power that will likely reshape future warfare. However, due to the lack of concrete cyberwarfare experience, and the limited encounters of legitimate cyberattacks, it is hard to precisely assess future effects, risks and potentials.


2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 330-347
Author(s):  
Hugo Agra

O artigo analisa um tema pouco abordado na literatura brasileira de relações internacionais: a atuação das políticas externas do Brasil e do México para a criação do Grupo de Contadora (1983), Grupo de Apoio à Contadora (1985) e do Grupo do Rio (1987). Esses grupos tiveram papéis importantes nas tentativas de estabilização dos problemas políticos, econômicos e sociais da América Central a partir dos anos 1980. O artigo está dividido em quatro partes: i) compreensão da criação do Grupo de Contadora, do Grupo de Apoio à Contadora e a atuação do Brasil e do México, ii) destaque aos principais objetivos desses dois grupos, iii) explica o “dilema” das políticas externas do Brasil e do México diante das ações estadunidenses para a América Central e iv) e descreve a criação e os objetivos do Grupo do Rio. Por meio de uma pesquisa explicativa, onde é fundamental reunir informações sobre vários assuntos para entender de forma mais abrangente um tema específico, o artigo faz uso de fontes secundárias que analisam as relações internacionais da América Latina e os processos decisórios das políticas externas do Brasil e do México na década de 1980, além de algumas fontes primárias, como documentos oficiais dos acordos celebrados e declarações presidenciais disponíveis em arquivos dos sites eletrônicos da presidência ou chancelaria dos países. Conclui-se mostrando que os dois países foram fundamentais para o processo de estabilização política, principalmente na região centro-americana, não só pela importância histórica, política e econômica de cada um, mas também pelo fato de que a formação desses grupos foram importantes para dirimir litígios, acelerar a resolução de conflitos entre os países do continente, além de ter sido um período de aproximação e fortalecimento da relação bilateral Brasil-México.         ABSTRACT: The article analyzes a theme little addressed in the Brazilian literature of international relations: the performance of the foreign policies of Brazil and Mexico for the creation of the Contadora Group (1983), the Contadora Support Group (1985) and the Rio Group (1987). These groups played important roles in attempts to stabilize the political, economic and social problems of Central America from the 1980s onwards. The article is divided into four parts: i) an understanding of the creation of the Contadora Group, the Contadora Support Group and the actions of Brazil and Mexico, ii) highlighting the main objectives of these two groups, iii) explaining the "dilemma" of the foreign policies of Brazil and Mexico in the face of US actions for Central America, and iv) describing the creation and objectives of the Rio Group. By means of an explanatory survey, where it is essential to gather information on various subjects in order to understand more comprehensively a specific theme, the article makes use of secondary sources that analyze the international relations of Latin America and the decision-making processes of the foreign policies of Brazil and Mexico in the 1980s, in addition to some primary sources, such as official documents of the agreements signed and presidential declarations available on the archives of the electronic sites of the presidency or chancellery of the countries. It concludes by showing that both countries were fundamental to the process of political stabilization, especially in the Central American region, not only because of their historical, political and economic importance, but also because the formation of these groups was important to settle disputes, accelerate the resolution of conflicts between the countries of the continent, and was a period of rapprochement and strengthening of the bilateral relationship between Brazil and Mexico. Keywords: International Relations; Latin America; Contadora Group; Rio Group.       Aprovado em: setembro/2019. Recebido em: agosto/2020.


Author(s):  
Michael Zürn

In this chapter, authority is developed as key concept for analyzing the global governance system. Max Weber’s foundational treatment is used to capture the paradox involved in the notion of “voluntary subordination.” Building on this foundation, the concept of reflexive authority is elaborated in contrast to two other concepts that have prevailed in international relations so far. The argument is laid out against the background of the global governance context, one in which the authority holders are in many respects weaker than most state actors. Two types of reflexive authority are identified: epistemic and political authority. Finally, the interplay between different authorities in global governance is analyzed to identify the major features of the global governance system. It is—to put it in the shortest possible form—a system of only loosely coupled spheres of authorities that is not coordinated by a meta-authority and lacks a proper separation of powers.


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